From the 1990s Coomaraswamy Report to the recent visit of a UN Special Rapporteur, this chapter examines the pattern linking Asahi Shimbun, former insiders, and the United Nations, revealing a sequence that appears carefully orchestrated.

Former Asahi insiders had become a cheering squad to push this report through the United Nations.
2016-12-26
What follows is a continuation of the previous chapter.
Asahi and the UN’s “prior offense.”
Hasegawa.
There is a “prior offense” in the relationship between the United Nations and the Asahi Shimbun.
It is the so-called Radhika Coomaraswamy Report of the 1990s.
As you know, despite being an appallingly poor document that makes one wonder how it ever passed at the UN, it was formally submitted and taken note of.
Former Asahi personnel acted as a support group to get this report accepted at the UN.
This time as well, the so-called UN Special Rapporteur who came to Japan arrived at a very convenient moment for certain people, and serious doubts remain about his remarks regarding the course of events surrounding his request to meet Minister Sanae Takaichi.
One cannot help but suspect what kind of international scheme lies behind it.
Nagae.
A Democratic Party lawmaker, without any real necessity, questions Minister Takaichi over the interpretation of the Broadcast Act.
Although she merely responded in accordance with the law, Kishii and others immediately held a press conference to denounce her remarks.
Scholars of constitutional law and the media also held emergency press conferences.
Then, as if on cue, David Kaye, a UN Special Rapporteur, flew in, and around the same time an organization called Reporters Without Borders announced that Japan’s press freedom ranking had plunged to 72nd in the world.
Asahi Shimbun reported all of this nearly fifty times.
It was an all too perfect “flow,” one that felt somehow contrived.
To be continued.