Published on August 25, 2019. This chapter, originally sent out on November 6, 2018, introduces an essay by Yoshiko Sakurai published on the front page of the Sankei Shimbun, discussing the South Korean Supreme Court ruling on former workers from the Korean Peninsula, the 1965 Japan-Korea Claims and Economic Cooperation Agreement, the revolutionary orientation of the Moon Jae-in administration, the leftward takeover of South Korea’s judiciary, and the Japanese intellectuals who support anti-Japanese lawsuits.

August 25, 2019.
Japanese people work on the South Korean side and make them file lawsuits, and in some cases even provide materials and funds to support anti-Japanese movements.
The same structure seen in the comfort women issue can also be discerned in this case.
This is the chapter I sent out on November 6, 2018, under the title: A series of events tells us that South Korea is in the midst of a socialist revolution.
Revolutionary forces destroy all the order that existed before them.
The following is from an essay by Yoshiko Sakurai published on the front page of yesterday’s Sankei Shimbun.
On October 30, the Supreme Court of South Korea ordered Nippon Steel & Sumitomo Metal, formerly Nippon Steel, to pay 400 million won, about 40 million yen, in damages to four former wartime laborers.
Article 2 of the 1965 Japan-Korea Claims and Economic Cooperation Agreement confirms that the problems concerning claims between the two countries and their nationals, including corporations, have been “settled completely and finally.”
It declares that all claims issues, including compensation, whether those of individuals or corporations, have already been settled.
At the time, the Japanese government took extra care and also exchanged minutes between Japan and South Korea.
In those minutes, there is an eight-item explanation concerning claims.
Unpaid wages and compensation for wartime mobilized laborers are included there, making it doubly and triply clear that the matter has been settled.
It was only natural that Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, immediately after the ruling, stated without delay, “It is a judgment that is inconceivable in light of international law.”
The prime minister also did not use the expression “wartime laborers” for the four, but said they were “workers from the former Korean Peninsula.”
This is an important point, and it sharply exposes the dubiousness of the Moon Jae-in administration, which tries to argue black into white.
The many abnormal situations now proceeding under the Moon administration are inconceivable in an ordinary state governed by law.
A series of events tells us that South Korea is in the midst of a socialist revolution.
Revolutionary forces destroy all the order that existed before them.
They tear up treaties, contracts, and common sense like scraps of paper.
What the Moon administration is doing is exactly that.
They thrust unjust rulings at Japan and try to extort huge sums of money, but they are also imposing on the majority of South Korean citizens a revolution that those citizens cannot possibly desire, and are trying to drag all of South Korea into a pro-North Korean socialist revolution led by radical forces.
This time, the “issue of workers from the former Korean Peninsula” should be understood within this overall picture, and no compromise whatsoever is necessary with the revolution-oriented Moon administration.
If a socialist revolution is accomplished on the Korean Peninsula, Japan’s security and diplomacy will face extremely serious difficulties, and Japan must adopt measures to strengthen its own power as soon as possible.
At least 273 companies that may be sued by South Korea should, on this occasion, deepen their basic understanding of the Moon administration and prepare for the policies that the Moon administration, as a revolutionary force, will put forward in the near future.
Moon’s pledge of “clearing away accumulated evils” means “sweeping away the pro-Japanese mainstream,” and we should consider that he aims to build a state centered on Kim Il-sung thought.
Moon, who served as chief presidential secretary, equivalent to Chief Cabinet Secretary, in the Roh Moo-hyun administration, which followed North Korea from beginning to end, says that the person he respects is Shin Young-bok.
Shin was a secret member of the Unified Revolutionary Party, a South Korean underground revolutionary organization created by Kim Il-sung’s orders.
Even during his visit to Europe in October, Moon called for the lifting of economic sanctions against North Korea and drew ridicule from French President Macron.
Even so, Moon plunges into North Korea at a speed that is beyond normal reason.
On November 1, he prohibited military aircraft flights in airspace extending up to 80 kilometers north and south across the 38th parallel, and moved to disarm South Korea’s skies.
Many North Korean missiles are deployed along the 38th parallel, and the defense of Seoul is possible only when South Korean Air Force patrol aircraft detect signs of missile launches or military action.
But he stopped all the patrol flights necessary for that.
Because North Korea lacks air-defense capability, this measure only benefits North Korea.
The Moon administration is advancing a revolution that betrays the South Korean people, as if handing the Republic of Korea over to North Korea.
The Supreme Court’s ruling this time is also the result of a judicial revolution that the Moon administration plotted and successfully carried out.
The fact that the four plaintiffs were not wartime laborers was discovered from the South Korean Supreme Court’s written judgment by Nishioka Tsutomu, a researcher at the Japan Institute for National Fundamentals and an expert on Korean affairs.
But the South Korean Supreme Court does not care at all about such things.
The current Chief Justice of the Supreme Court is Kim Myung-soo, a leftist legal figure who was promoted dramatically by Moon in September of last year.
Kim had only served as head of the Chuncheon District Court, the smallest district court in South Korea.
Over the past year, he has replaced Supreme Court justices whose six-year terms had expired one after another with left-wing personnel like himself, according to Mr. Nishioka.
The highest institution of South Korea’s judiciary has been taken over by revolutionary forces, and the Moon administration has ended up becoming a regime whose values are completely different from ours, just like the Chinese Communist Party regime.
Therefore, as Prime Minister Abe and Chief Cabinet Secretary Suga Yoshihide emphasized, the first thing is to stand firm and not yield.
The Japanese government must fully support all related Japanese companies, not allow any company to pay even a single penny, and not allow any company to break ranks.
Now that a strict policy toward the Moon administration is necessary, what I want to point out is the existence of Japanese people who support such South Korean movements.
In 2010, the hundredth year since the Japan-Korea annexation, Japanese and South Korean intellectuals announced the “Japan-Korea Intellectuals’ Joint Statement on the Hundredth Anniversary of the ‘Annexation of Korea’” in Tokyo and Seoul, and more than one thousand people on both sides signed it.
In addition to Wada Haruki, professor emeritus at the University of Tokyo, many others, including a person who had served as deputy editorial writer at the Asahi Shimbun, put their names to it.
They are also people who have studied the theory that the annexation of Korea was invalid.
In May 2012, the South Korean Supreme Court showed the judgment that “individual claims have not disappeared,” and the logical construction by the Japanese intellectuals mentioned above supports the South Korean Supreme Court’s argument.
Japanese people work on the South Korean side and make them file lawsuits, and in some cases even provide materials and funds to support anti-Japanese movements.
The same structure seen in the comfort women issue can also be discerned in this case.
There are also cases in which large amounts of support are injected into them under the name of research funds from the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
A fair examination of such facts will also be necessary.
On that basis, regarding issues such as comfort women and wartime laborers, we must correct historical facts.