Based on an essay by Ryunosuke Megumi published in WiLL, this article examines the Tamaki Denny administration, All Okinawa, the Henoko Fund, the Bankoku Shinryo Council, and questions surrounding the use of Okinawan public funds.
Triggered by the destruction of Shuri Castle, it scrutinizes the structure of Okinawan prefectural politics, anti-base activism, pro-China initiatives, and alleged public-money circulation.

November 20, 2019.
As of September 30, the amount collected was approximately 720,551,206 yen… “All Okinawa” should provide this money for the reconstruction of Shuri Castle.
The following is from an essay by Ryunosuke Megumi published in this month’s issue of WiLL under the title “The Okinawa Prefectural Government Taken Over by Anti-Japanese Forces.”
Against Japan, a country where “The Turntable of Civilization” turns as divine providence, Okinawa has continued to draw its bow in the manner I have mentioned many times before, and, unbelievably, has responded to the operations of China and the Korean Peninsula.
Divine punishment has fallen upon that condition of Okinawa.
When I saw the news that Shuri Castle, which they say they cherish, had completely burned down, I immediately thought so.
The following is Mr. Megumi’s essay.
Okinawa Governor Denny Tamaki was elected amid great fanfare.
Yet all he has done is repeat dereliction of duty and incoherence……
A Taiwanese friend who had seen the situation in Hong Kong warned me, “Next comes Taiwan, and after that Okinawa.”
To prevent this, above all else, it is necessary to secure the presence of the U.S. military.
Yet now, in Okinawa, peer pressure against the U.S. military is strong, and groups demanding the removal of bases are misleading the people of the prefecture by making full use of abundant funds.
And prefectural public funds are being used for anti-base struggles, while at the same time a plan is underway by the prefecture to invite the Belt and Road Initiative into Okinawa.
The prefectural government has been hacked by anti-Japanese forces.
Okinawa Governor Denny Tamaki marked one year in office on October 4.
Omission.
Thereupon, Mr. Tamaki resigned as a member of the House of Representatives in order to run, and gathered the attention of the prefectural people on a single point by calling the election a “memorial election for Onaga.”
During the gubernatorial election, the PR leaflets of the Tamaki camp that were frequently put into the mailboxes of households and companies overwhelmed those of the conservative candidate in design, paper quality, and quantity distributed.
The governor’s supporting parties are opposition parties such as the Communist Party, the Constitutional Democratic Party, the Democratic Party for the People, and the Social Democratic Party.
“All Okinawa” is an abbreviation for the “All Okinawa Council to Prevent the Construction of a New Base in Henoko,” and was formed in December 2015.
It is an organization that brings together about twenty groups opposing the relocation to Henoko, with three joint representatives: Susumu Inamine, then mayor of Nago City; Suzuyo Takazato, a citizen activist; and Morimasa Goya, chairman of the Kanehide Group.
Incidentally, the governor has thrown the administration wholesale to outside organizations.
Those organizations are not only biased toward left-wing ideology, but also openly reveal pro-Chinese words and actions.
Because the governor has no vision of his own, he is at the mercy of these forces.
In other words, the Okinawa Prefectural Government has truly been hacked by left-wing forces.
On May 27, the governor announced that he had sent a letter dated May 14 to U.S. Ambassador to Japan Hagerty, then in office, and to Lieutenant General Schneider, commander of U.S. Forces Japan, demanding an early end to operations at the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma.
At the same time, he also demanded the cancellation of the relocation to Henoko in Nago City, arguing that “the United States can deal with the China and North Korea issues with only its air and naval forces,” and expressed the view that “there is no need for the U.S. Marines to be stationed in Okinawa.”
On the other hand, on July 11, in the Okinawa Prefectural Assembly, the opposition Liberal Democratic Party submitted a protest resolution against the incursions by Chinese government vessels into the territorial waters around the Senkaku Islands, but it was rejected by the ruling parties, All Okinawa.
The governor has three flagship policies.
They are: ① the “Anti-Base Talk Caravan” nationwide, ② the establishment of the Bankoku Shinryo Council, and ③ contracted survey and support work for a new development plan for the first year of Reiwa.
① is operated by the nonprofit think tank “New Diplomacy Initiative,” represented by Sayo Saruta, hereafter referred to as “ND.”
② is operated by the general incorporated association “Children and Disaster Victims Support Fund,” represented by Rie Suzuki, which is the contracted organization in charge of operations, hereafter referred to as the “Children’s Fund.”
The contractor for ③ is the “Kanehide Research Institute,” hereafter referred to as “Kanehide Research Institute.”
Its head is Morimasa Goya, chairman of the Kanehide Group, who also serves as chairman of the governor’s support association.
He is the most pro-Chinese figure in the prefecture, and recently appears frequently in the Communist Party organ Akahata.
Incidentally, Mr. Goya is also the representative of the “Henoko Fund,” which pools the activity funds and election funds of “All Okinawa” (as of September 30, the amount collected was approximately 720,551,206 yen).
“All Okinawa” should provide this money for the reconstruction of Shuri Castle.
In addition, several left-wing prefectural assembly members, including Prefectural Assembly member Sueko Yamauchi, vice chair of the governor’s support association, are listed as officers.
Moreover, Mr. Goya has in mind a plan to construct a “MICE,” or super-large convention facility, in order to invite China’s Belt and Road Initiative and bring many China-related people to Okinawa.
MICE is a coined term made from the initials of Meeting, Incentive tour, Convention or Conference, and Exhibition/Event, and is one form of business travel.
It is said not only to offer many opportunities for attracting visitors, but also to involve larger expenditures than ordinary sightseeing tours.
The suspicious photograph.
On September 30, a shock ran through the governor’s department, which had seemed invincible.
In the prefectural assembly, Hiroshi Shimabukuro, an opposition Liberal Democratic Party assembly member, stood to question the governor and released a photograph posted on Facebook showing nine people enjoying a drinking party, with the governor at the center.
The photograph is said to have been taken on the night of May 23, but the drinking party reportedly continued until after midnight on the 24th.
On the 24th, the prefecture concluded a business contract to entrust the operation of the “Bankoku Shinryo Council” to the “Children’s Fund.”
However, in this photograph, Suzuki and Tokumori, both members of the “Children’s Fund,” were sitting near the governor.
The prefectural assembly member loudly criticized this, saying, “Is it not conduct unbecoming of a governor to drink with a prospective contractor on the day before the contract is concluded?”
However, the governor brazenly replied, “I did not know any of the members at all. It was purely private, and we certainly did not discuss business.”
This was clearly a lie.
The contract form itself was also a discretionary contract.
The main purpose of the “Bankoku Shinryo Council” is to publicize opposition to the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma to Henoko and to advocate the withdrawal of the U.S. Marines.
In addition, 24,077,000 yen of prefectural public funds has been paid to the “Children’s Fund.”
The council members of the “Bankoku Shinryo Council” are Associate Professor Mike Mochizuki of George Washington University, Professor Jun Shimabukuro of the Faculty of Education at the University of the Ryukyus, Associate Professor Fumiaki Nozoe of the Faculty of Law at Okinawa International University, Lecturer Akiko Yamamoto of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences at the University of the Ryukyus, Tōru Magosaki of the East Asian Community Institute, and Kyoji Yanagisawa of the International Institute of Geopolitics.
All of them are leading figures of the left.
Their daily allowance is also an exceptional 27,000 yen, whereas the usual amount in Okinawa Prefecture is 9,300 yen.
Let us return to the matter.
To introduce the other members who participated in the drinking party, they included two members of the Bankoku Shinryo Council, namely a left-wing university professor and associate professor, a left-leaning professor at the University of the Ryukyus, two prefectural government employees, one of whom belonged to the Base Measures Division, the governor’s special secretary, who is his son-in-law, and the governor himself.
The local newspaper Ryukyu Shimpo defended the governor, emphasizing that “the governor is a special public official, and the ethical rules for civil servants do not apply,” but this is clearly an act of deference.
However, after this, Rie Suzuki, representative of the “Children’s Fund,” testified to a reporter of the Okinawa Times that “they were discussing matters related to the work.”
For this reason, the governor finally resigned himself to the matter and apologized at a regular press conference on October 10.
However, an unexpected fact emerged from this disturbance.
The “Children’s Fund” opened an Okinawa office in a private residence in January for the purpose of developing its business in Okinawa Prefecture, but the ND Okinawa office is also registered at the same residence.
It was also revealed that both Suzuki and Tokumori are members of ND, and furthermore members of the overseas research team of the “Kanehide Research Institute.”
The two were expected to serve as the coordinating figures for the governor’s three flagship policies.
At this point, the Liberal Democratic Party caucus in the prefectural assembly proposed summoning Mr. Tokumori as a reference witness.
However, on the same day, the 30th, Mr. Tokumori suddenly resigned and disappeared, and as of October 17, he remained out of contact.
According to testimony by an LDP prefectural assembly member, it has also been revealed that about 13.8 million yen was paid from the Henoko Fund to ND.
On June 11, 10,430,000 yen was paid this time from the prefecture to ND as the operating and management budget for the caravan.
Putting these facts together, a system becomes visible in which left-wing groups and organizations supporting them receive subsidies, or contract fees, from the prefecture in small portions and then combine them in receiving entities.
Then, through the All Okinawa executive leadership, public funds are circulated back into the Henoko Fund.
In Okinawa Prefecture, projects with subsidies of 30,000,000 yen or less can be approved by a section chief.
The left receives subsidies from the prefecture in small portions under the names of outsourcing or new projects, and then combines them in receiving entities.
Because the amounts are relatively small, it is also easier for them to pass through audits.
To be continued.