A first-hand account linking document forgery, subsidy-dependent businesses, and media manipulation to the Moritomo Gakuen scandal, arguing that failure to see through such crude operations endangers Japan’s national interests.

A firsthand fraud experience exposes how document forgery and media manipulation shaped the Moritomo scandal—and why failing to detect such tactics threatens Japan’s future.

2017-03-21

On the previous Friday night, by chance, I watched TV Asahi’s Hōdō Station, and at that moment my conviction became decisive.

They displayed an enlarged copy of a Japan Post transfer slip.
Absurdly, it was said to be a transfer made by someone within Moritomo Gakuen to Moritomo Gakuen itself.
When viewed carefully, one could see traces of the name “Shinzo Abe” written and then erased.
The apparent intention was to appeal to the viewers’ base emotions by implying that this was a donation from Prime Minister Abe.

The instant I saw this, I was reminded of a fraud case my own company had encountered.

Taking advantage of something I had written from a Christ-like state of mind, the perpetrators exploited us.

They moved into our building for more than half a year without paying a single yen in security deposits or rent.
Moreover, the criminals appeared at our building as a group of three—two men and a woman—during the bail period after one of them had been arrested for defrauding a certain bank of a large sum of money.
One thing I recall clearly is that they repeatedly asked us not to rent out the vacant floor of our building, claiming they wanted to run something like a kindergarten or nursery school.

Another is that while they were visiting our office almost daily and skillfully laying traps for us, they repeatedly said that documents could be forged in unlimited quantities.

In the end, when our company was defrauded of a sum comparable to what had been taken from the bank, they submitted forged bank documents.

At that time, we were neither famous individuals nor a well-known company, so it took three years before the case reached the prosecutors.
At that stage, they submitted yet another forged contract.
It was a document stating that our company would pay an enormous commission—something that common sense alone would tell you was impossible.
The prosecutors could easily infer that it was forged, but they could not prove it, because the computer used to create the document had been destroyed.

When I told a friend about this, he said calmly,
“There are many bad actors in fields like nursing homes, kindergartens, and daycare centers, where large amounts of government subsidies are paid.”

If you think about it, ninety-eight percent of Japanese citizens do not rely on government tax money for their work.
On the contrary, day and night, they struggle for the sake of society and others, contributing to increased tax revenues for Japan.

Yet NTV reported, astonishingly, that its opinion poll showed a majority of citizens thinking about the Moritomo Gakuen affair exactly as the opposition parties and the media claimed.

With this article, all Japanese citizens must understand that criminals—or operatives—nesting in Osaka will forge documents without hesitation.

If one looks at China’s movements regarding the Senkaku Islands or the situation on the Korean Peninsula, the true nature of the Moritomo Gakuen affair should be obvious without explanation.
If Japan fails to develop the ability to see through such elementary operations, it will lose its territory.