This essay exposes how Japanese wide shows and major media outlets turned political reporting into activism during the Abe administration. Through insider testimony, it reveals the collapse of objectivity, the routine use of staging and selective editing, and the transformation of journalism into political struggle.
2017-08-01.
The following is from the current issue of the monthly magazine HANADA (840 yen)..
It is filled with essays that should be read by all Japanese citizens and people around the world..
Among them was a dialogue feature that fully proves that my arguments were 100 percent correct..
Staging and selective editing are routine — we will show you how wide shows are made..
Kiyotaka Kato, former Special Commentary Editor at Jiji Press..
Yoshimasa Suenobu, former commentator at TV Asahi’s News Division, Professor at Tokai University..
Igniting the engine of anti-Abe sentiment..
Kato..
Although the Diet session had ended, newspapers and television made even more noise over the “Mori-Kake” issue than they had during the debates on the State Secrets Protection Law and the security legislation..
The Moritomo issue began in February, but it was after Prime Minister Abe’s exclusive Yomiuri Shimbun interview on May 3 regarding constitutional “addition” that anti-Abe momentum visibly intensified..
Suenobu..
Indeed, from the moment of the Article 9 “constitutional addition” remark, the media clearly stepped on the accelerator..
Asahi Shimbun in particular did so..
The revived Abe administration maintained high approval ratings through economic policy while implementing potentially unpopular measures such as the State Secrets Law, security legislation, and the conspiracy law, and it handled media relations very skillfully..
However, this time, I believe the government mismanaged its Diet strategy and media 대응..
Left-leaning liberal media such as Asahi, Mainichi, TBS, and my former workplace TV Asahi intentionally crafted articles and video footage in their coverage of the Diet and other matters..
As a result, the Prime Minister’s Office began “selecting” media outlets, choosing where the Prime Minister would appear, and effectively used online tools such as Twitter and Facebook to speak directly to the public..
But the moment a concrete political timetable was presented for enacting a revised constitution in 2020 — for the first time since the war — the left-liberal media that had been excluded reacted with ferocity, launching full-scale attacks on the Abe administration. From their perspective, “Abe is destroying Japan.”.
This was closer to a power struggle or political movement than journalism..
Kato..
Newspapers proclaim “objectivity, fairness, and impartiality” in their editorial charters..
Yet in reality, every one of them has discarded these principles..
Suenobu..
These are the three fundamental principles of reporting..
When teaching media studies at university, I tell students that in addition to these principles, “facts and the present come first; opinions come afterward.”.
As guaranteed by the Constitution, newspapers may write whatever they wish, but they must not distort facts — that is the fundamental rule..
Television stations, which are allocated limited public airwaves belonging to the people, are required to be even more neutral and fair than newspapers..
Yet after the constitutional remarks, they began engaging in political struggle without hesitation..
Kato..
Once objectivity and fairness are thrown away, they become no different from party organs or propaganda machines..
To be continued..