A critical record of Okinawa’s political reversals over the Henoko relocation, the coordination among media and public-sector unions, and the activities of groups such as IMADR at UN human-rights venues in Switzerland, arguing that postwar Japan’s historical “shadows” enabled external influence campaigns against Japan.

January 21, 2019
Because it is difficult to profit within Japan through such wrongdoing, they probably decided to seek funding from China and the Korean Peninsula.
A chapter I republished on January 17, 2019 titled “This organization, with the UN human-rights body in faraway Switzerland as its stage, was relentlessly engaged in activities to degrade Japan,” has now reached 60th place in the official hashtag ranking for Switzerland.
I am republishing a chapter I first posted on August 30, 2018.
The reason needs no explanation.
The relocation of Futenma Air Station to Henoko in Okinawa—this was something the late Onaga originally supported.
In other words, it was a matter decided by a majority among the people of Okinawa.
And yet,
in the political climate that produced a Democratic Party administration under the influence of the Asahi Shimbun, Onaga reversed himself in order to win the gubernatorial election.
Just as the Democratic Party administration was utterly incompetent and harmful—like the postwar confusion—Onaga repeatedly issued statements and displayed conduct that were incompetent and harmful toward Japan.
While concealing the fact that Okinawa receives, by far, an extraordinarily massive amount of local allocation tax grants from the central government—more than any of the 47 prefectures—he even went out of his way to the United Nations and delivered speeches that echoed, word for word, the anti-Japan propaganda of China and the Korean Peninsula, to their great delight.
Many discerning observers are convinced that Onaga was in communication with China, but Japan has no crime of national treason like those of China or the Korean Peninsula.
Japan does have crimes such as insurrection, riot, and inducing foreign aggression, yet unlike China and the Korean Peninsula, Japan is hesitant in applying them, and they have effectively become toothless.
Thus, taking advantage of the fact that Okinawa is the farthest prefecture from the mainland, violent groups connected with left-wing extremists and with the Korean Peninsula coordinate with organizations such as Jichirō and Nikkyōso,
converge on Henoko, and freely carry out violent activities unimaginable on the mainland.
It is common knowledge that Okinawa is a place where Chinese and Korean Peninsula influence agencies also operate behind the scenes.
Yesterday Edano, with a straight face, said something like “Are U.S. Marines necessary in Okinawa?”—a remark that would make China and the Korean Peninsula smirk. In any normal country, arresting such a man immediately under the crime of inducing foreign aggression and punishing him severely is what must be done above all else.
Even by plane it takes 2 hours and 35 minutes—nearly twice the travel time to Hokkaido—and they exploit that distance.
Left-wing extremist activists even deliver speeches at the United Nations claiming Okinawa is a remote frontier that is discriminated against.
Following their logic, perhaps things do become more radical in remote places and slogans grow more concentrated.
The moment an anti-espionage law was enacted, Shin Sugok—who went into exile abroad—her very path into exile proves that calling her a North Korean agent is hardly an exaggeration.
And not only her: among those waging anti-base struggles against U.S. forces in Okinawa today are many organizations whose links to North Korea are regarded as certain—Kansai ready-mix, Peace Boat, and others.
The true “darkness” of postwar Japanese history lies precisely in the background in which bodies such as Jichirō and Nikkyōso, cooperating with them, have continued activities that resemble those left-wing extremists themselves.
That is, taking advantage of the purge from public office, communists infiltrated the media world, the world of teachers and staff, and even the business world—people for whom it is no exaggeration to say they were members of the Comintern’s Japan branch, or affiliates of Chongryon, or individuals of Korean Peninsula origin.
Their specialty is power struggle—this is an undeniable fact.
They swiftly came to dominate the Japan Federation of Bar Associations, Nikkyōso, NHK, the Asahi Shimbun, and more.
That is why IMADR—whose secretary-general is a man hardly any Japanese have ever heard of, named Taisuke Komatsu—works at the United Nations engaging in anti-Japan activities.
Over ten years ago in Osaka, this organization was exposed as behaving in a manner that could be described, without exaggeration, as indistinguishable from a criminal syndicate: it devoured enormous vested interests from Osaka City and received unbelievable preferential treatment from major banks, becoming a major social problem.
It is no exaggeration to call it a pressure group that feigns “discrimination” to reap illicit profits—vested-interest operators in collusion with criminal syndicates.
It is now an anti-national, anti-social pressure organization.
Because it is difficult to profit within Japan through such wrongdoing, they probably decided to seek funding from China and the Korean Peninsula.
While the world’s most diligent and earnest Japanese people work day and night, devoting themselves for others and for society, this organization used the UN human-rights body in faraway Switzerland as its stage and pressed ahead with activities to degrade Japan.
And the one who rode along with them was Onaga. The one NHK featured last night—Amuro—was the person who helped this faction win the gubernatorial election.
This chapter also makes clear why the chairperson of Nikkyōso serves as an officer of such an organization.
And then there is the lawyer Yōko Hayashi—someone I learned about while searching, and whom 99 percent of Japanese also did not know.
Appointed in January 2008 as a member of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women.
Became chair in February 2015.
It is a staggering career.
Yet the background that produced, in postwar Japan, such people—figures like a solid mass of anti-Japan ideology filled with self-denigrating historical views—
is also made clear by the chapters I have been publishing these past few days.