Citing a JoongAng Ilbo report, the passage notes an argument that references a lawsuit by Chinese plaintiffs and a Japanese Supreme Court ruling, using it to frame a stance similar to South Korea’s Supreme Court.
It interprets the Japanese ruling’s thrust as “direct claims to the government (i.e., the Korean government),” yet argues that Japan also helped “set the table” for the current outcome—calling it a “match pump.”
It then introduces a claim by a former Chongryon-related writer: that postwar Chōren (later Chongryon), established under GHQ directives, demanded unpaid wages from Japanese firms employing those labeled “forcibly mobilized,” collected large sums, and diverted most funds away from individuals into organizational financing.
It traces the postwar roots through the Federation of Koreans in Japan and the later split into Mindan and Chongryon, pointing to structural continuity as it leads into the next installment.

2019-01-04

Chōren collected considerable sums from Japanese companies, and most of that money did not reach the hands of those labeled as forcibly mobilized, but was diverted into Chōren’s operating funds.
What follows continues from the previous section.
Otaka.
Why are they suing.
—According to JoongAng Ilbo (dated November 7), “A lawyer cited as an example a damages lawsuit filed by Chinese victims in 2007.
At that time, Japan’s Supreme Court ruled against the plaintiffs on the grounds that ‘their rights were lost in judicial proceedings,’ but it clarified that ‘the right to claim has not been extinguished.’
The lawyer pointed to this clarification as a basis, explaining that the Japanese government side had also made clear to the Chinese side in 1991 a position similar to that of South Korea’s Supreme Court,” it says.
Takayama.
The meaning of Japan’s Supreme Court ruling is, “Take the claim to the Korean government.”
But behind this ruling, it’s not only that South Korea’s Supreme Court ran wild—there is also an aspect in which Japan helped set the table.
Otaka.
Exactly.
It’s a match pump.
One more point on “forced mobilization”: Mr. Kim Chan-jŏng, a former Chongryon figure (a second-generation Zainichi non-fiction writer), makes an interesting observation.
It concerns the abundant funding sources of Chōren, which was launched under GHQ directives after the war (later Chongryon—one could even call it a separate action unit of the Japanese Communist Party).
He says: “Its greatest source of funds was unpaid wages and the like of forced laborers who were returning home.
By the end of 1946, under the name of the head of Chōren’s Central Labor Department, claims for unpaid wages were sent to Japanese companies that had employed those forcibly mobilized.
The total amount claimed reached 43,660,000 yen, and Chōren collected substantial sums from Japanese companies; most of it did not reach the hands of the forcibly mobilized, but was diverted into Chōren’s operating funds” (from Chongryon, Shincho Shinsho).
Takayama.
That’s a very interesting story.
Come to think of it, in 1945, an organization called the Federation of Koreans in Japan was formed.
It later split into Mindan and Chongryon, but the person who created the foundation was Kim Ch’ŏnhae.
And the theme he set for the federation was—believe it or not—“Make Japan a country where we can live comfortably” (laughs).
To be continued.