This chapter reframes the Moritomo Gakuen controversy by tracing it back to Itami Airport’s approach path and the long-running politics of noise compensation.
It connects the Airport Special Account.
land purchases and discounts.
municipal lobbying.
and political backing networks.
highlighting what the author claims Asahi Shimbun and NHK avoided reporting.
The text also criticizes media-driven narratives surrounding Tsujimoto Kiyomi.
Toyonaka city councilor Kimura Makoto.
Kansai Ready-Mix Concrete.
and argues that televised “brainwashing” of information-vulnerable demographics accelerates Japan’s weakening.

2019-02-17.
If the Japanese people understood where this broadcaster truly stands, then the harm done by information-vulnerable viewers—older age groups and women who rely on television—who are being brainwashed by this TV network and thereby weakening Japan, would instantly dissipate.
I will repost the chapter I published on 2018-12-17 titled, “They elect such a person as a member of the Diet and pay her, from national taxes, an annual income exceeding 45 million yen.”
Because this chapter, too, contains facts that every Japanese citizen must engrave in their mind, and it is modern history.
Even so, everyone will feel nauseated by the viciousness of the Asahi Shimbun and people like Tsujimoto Kiyomi, and it is, so to speak, a historic chapter that reveals how Japan is afflicted in every possible way by calamities originating from the Korean Peninsula.
A chapter I published on 3/28 is now ranked within the top three in Goo search counts.
This is the kind of chapter whose every single sentence must be learned and remembered so that every Japanese citizen will never forget it.
Above all, we must thank God that we have, in the postwar world, the greatest and incomparable genuine journalist.
As my friend said, readers will think that Masayuki Takayama and I are almost identical.
This chapter also perfectly explains who Tsujimoto Kiyomi is, who helped fabricate the Moritomo issue, and what the true nature of the Asahi Shimbun is.
As for the pseudo-moralists, it goes without saying that their representatives are Ōe Kenzaburō and Murakami Haruki, but the many pseudo-moralists who have believed in them must also come to feel in their bones just how gravely sinful they are toward Japan and the Japanese people, and readers should all understand that this was a grave crime against the world.
Regarding what kind of land Moritomo Gakuen and the adjacent area actually were, the one and only journalist in the postwar world, Masayuki Takayama, has once again conveyed, in a special dialogue with Takita Makiko in the monthly magazine WiLL released on the 26th, facts that for some reason are not reported at all by the Asahi Shimbun or NHK.
These are facts that every Japanese citizen and people all over the world must know.
Preface omitted.
A land with a troubled history.
To begin with, the land Moritomo purchased had a troubled history.
That area lies under the flight approach path of Itami Airport.
It is a restricted zone under what is called the approach-surface limitation.
This is an important foreshadowing, and since the 1970s residents in that area made a huge uproar about the severe jet noise.
In particular, residents of the Nakamura district that encroached into the airport grounds stormed the airport and caused disturbances in front of the Japan Airlines and All Nippon Airways counters.
They claimed that “the noise makes our noses bleed and it won’t stop,” and scattered blood-soaked tissues packed in cardboard boxes.
They shouted things like, “How will you take responsibility for this?”
Such noise issues fell under the jurisdiction of the Civil Aviation Bureau of the Ministry of Transport at the time, but even if one spoke to them, they would not even offer a cup of tea.
It was never an argument that would be accepted in the first place.
But private airlines are customer-service businesses, so if you make a scene in the lobby, they will say, “Now, now, please come this way,” bring you into an office, and serve refreshments.
If things go well, they may even hand over money for transportation, and if you demand, “Give us tickets,” tickets will come out as well.
Such things continued for a long time.
People wonder why anyone would live in a place where a runway seems to run right through one’s yard.
Yet the residents’ demands were accepted, and Itami Airport was to be shut down and the New Kansai Airport built.
The mystery of how such an absurdity was allowed to pass was finally clarified in a 2010 article in Asahi Shimbun’s “Hito” column.
According to it, the residents of the Nakamura district were “people gathered from the Korean Peninsula before the war for airport expansion,” and “after the war, they were suddenly turned into illegal squatters.”
The reporter who wrote the article, Yoshino Taichirō, wrote it as though they were Koreans forcibly taken and conscripted, but that is a lie.
Asahi itself has written that almost all conscripted Koreans returned to the peninsula.
It is an article that deceives readers.
Nevertheless, that article made it clear that the residents who made the uproar were Koreans who were illegally occupying airport land.
That is why common sense does not apply, and one can understand why, once they start making a scene, they cannot be controlled.
Takita.
So there were such circumstances.
Takayama.
However, if the airport disappeared, the Nakamura district residents would no longer gain anything, and the Ministry of Transport would also lose the vested interests tied to the airport building.
So eleven local cities including Itami and Toyonaka formed an “11-city council,” and Itami Airport was kept on the grounds that they would persuade the residents.
To that end, an Airport Special Account was created as funding for improvements around the airport—namely, “allowances for the noise zone” across the surrounding area.
From the Ministry of Transport’s perspective, they were delighted because this created two more amakudari destinations: the chairman post of the airport-area development organization and the president post of the Kansai Airport company.
It is exactly the same reason why they built Narita instead of expanding Haneda.
The eleven surrounding cities clung to the Airport Special Account for everything from parks to roads.
And because the Nakamura district residents had raised such a fuss, those resident Zainichi were rewarded with new relocation sites and newly built houses.
As I have already written, I once brokered the sale of one of those detached houses through an acquaintance’s introduction.
But the Airport Special Account is financed by landing fees and fuel taxes collected from people who use airplanes.
To cover this reckless spending, Japan became the country that charges the highest landing fees in the world.
Once the Nakamura district problem was handled, areas along the aircraft approach routes were then purchased by the state at low prices under the pretext of severe noise.
Those vacant lots were put up for sale this time.
Noise levels had dropped, but Toyonaka City then said, “Sell it to us for 1.4 billion yen because we will make it a park,” Moritomo said, “We will make it a school site,” and local schools said, “We will build a school lunch center here,” and following the Nakamura precedent, they began one after another to latch onto the Airport Special Account money, and specific interest groups attached themselves to it.
The political forces that supported and backed the Nakamura district were the Japanese Communist Party and the Socialist Party at the time.
The first to raise a fuss over the Moritomo sell-off was Kimura Makoto, a Toyonaka city councilor who had been a former secretary to Fukushima Mizuho of the Social Democratic Party.
Everything is connected.
Takita.
I see.
Takayama.
Within that structure, Toyonaka City, which created the park adjacent to the Moritomo site, is a core member of the 11-city council that benefited from keeping Itami Airport and receiving Airport Special Account profits, and the Socialist Party and the Communist Party handled all the brokerage.
Then everything connects.
If you view the case along Itami’s runway, you can see through everything.
But if such a perspective is taken, Tsujimoto, who at the time was a parliamentary vice-minister in charge of land and transport, would be in trouble.
The Kansai Ready-Mix Concrete union that lurked behind Moritomo would also become highly relevant.
In fact, one person believed to have been a spy embedded by Tsujimoto in the ready-mix concrete world has died.
Although they are the citizens of Takatsuki City, they have elected such a person as a member of the Diet and pay her, from national taxes, an annual income exceeding 45 million yen—more than the true elites of Japan who work at the great corporations Japan boasts to the world.
As for who Kansai Nama, closely connected to Tsujimoto and Kimura Makoto, is, Wikipedia contains it—something that the citizens of Takatsuki, and Asahi and NHK employees, must read—but for us Japanese citizens, it is as grotesque and foolish a story as can be imagined.
Next to that park lies the Moritomo land, where there used to be a pond called a “washing place,” and it was also a severe noise zone, so nearby residents all received compensation and moved away.
Dumping industrial waste there is something they might well do.
Toyonaka City purchased the park land for 1.4 billion and several tens of millions of yen.
Asahi wrote that Kagoike obtained land in the same area at an unjustly low price of 100 million and several tens of millions of yen.
In fact, the park was discounted by 1.4 billion yen and sold for 20 million yen.
Kagoike is making a fuss that his 900 million and several tens of millions were discounted to 100 million and several tens of millions, but the Toyonaka park was discounted even more.
The school lunch center was discounted by 900 million yen as garbage disposal costs.
If you line up these numbers, it is not something that should be singled out as a major problem.
Asahi knew that and still hid the discount figures and rode along with the Social Democratic Party.
More important is why there was garbage in such a place, and why the land was vacant.
If you begin from Itami Airport, you can explain everything, yet the Communist Party and Democratic Party Diet members who were essentially parties to the matter knew the process and have continued to pretend they did not.
When Japan’s surroundings are in crisis, should the Diet really keep obsessing over Moritomo forever.
At a time when China is trying to strengthen dictatorship and South Korea is on the verge of being swallowed by North Korea.
Omitted thereafter.
Even now, under exactly the same structure, as if proving they are agents of China and the Korean Peninsula, the opposition parties and media such as Asahi give only trivial coverage, for example, to Prime Minister Abe’s work praised at Davos, or to the fact that Germany’s Merkel—whom they had repeatedly invoked for anti-Japan ideology—finally recognized Abe’s correctness and came to Japan to hold a summit to build strong diplomatic and economic relations, likely because she too realized that China is ultimately a country of bottomless evil and plausible lies.
Instead, they devote pages and airtime to issues such as statistical misconduct by the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare.
NHK, rather than criticizing Tsujimoto Kiyomi for the serious illegal act of accepting political donations from foreigners, enlarges her face on screen and repeats anti-government coverage.
The most natural thing would be for NHK to change its name to the state broadcaster of the Korean Peninsula, or to the state broadcaster of China.
If Japanese citizens understood that stance, then the harm done by information-vulnerable viewers—older age groups and women who rely on television—who are being brainwashed by this TV network and thereby weakening Japan, would instantly dissipate.