This article examines the background of the Moritomo Gakuen controversy by tracing the historical context of the Itami Airport area, the noise disputes, political involvement, and the media narrative.
Quoting the dialogue between Masayuki Takayama and Makiko Tahara in the magazine WiLL, it highlights facts that major outlets such as Asahi Shimbun and NHK rarely report, exposing deeper structural issues within Japanese politics and media.

February 17, 2019
If the Japanese people understand where this TV broadcaster truly stands, the damage inflicted on Japan by information-weak citizens who have been brainwashed by it — elderly viewers and women in the TV-dependent audience — will also dissipate at once.
I will republish the chapter I posted on December 17, 2018, titled, “They elect such a person as a member of the Diet and pay them more than 45 million yen a year from national taxes.”
Because this chapter, too, contains facts that every Japanese citizen must engrave in their memory, and it is part of our modern history.
Even so, anyone would feel sickened by the maliciousness of the Asahi Shimbun and people like Kiyomi Tsujimoto, and this is, so to speak, a historic chapter that exposes how Japan has suffered disasters from the Korean Peninsula in every possible way.
A chapter I posted on March 28 is now in the top three of Goo’s search rankings.
This is a chapter whose every single sentence must be carved into the mind so that every Japanese citizen will never forget it again.
Above all, we must thank God that we possess the greatest genuine journalist in the postwar world, without equal.
As my friend said, readers will probably think that Masayuki Takayama and I are almost exactly alike.
This chapter also describes perfectly who Kiyomi Tsujimoto is, who helped create the Moritomo scandal, and what the true nature of the Asahi Shimbun is.
Pseudo-moralists — represented by Kenzaburo Oe and Haruki Murakami — need no further argument, but the many pseudo-moralists who have believed in them must also come to feel, in their own bones, how sinful they are toward Japan and the Japanese people, and readers should understand that this was a grave crime against the world as well.
As for what kind of land Moritomo Gakuen and the adjacent area actually were, Masayuki Takayama, the one and only journalist in the postwar world, once again conveyed facts that for some reason the Asahi Shimbun and NHK do not report at all, in a special dialogue feature with Makiko Tahara in the monthly magazine WiLL released on the 26th.
These are facts that every Japanese citizen and people all over the world must know.
(Preface omitted.)
A land with a troubled history.
To begin with, the land Moritomo bought had a troubled history.
It lay in the aircraft approach route to Itami Airport.
It was what is called a restricted area of the approach surface.
This is an important foreshadowing, and since the 1970s, residents around there had made a huge uproar that the jet noise was unbearable.
In particular, residents of the Nakamura district, which jutted into the Itami Airport grounds, stormed the airport and made a commotion in front of the JAL and ANA counters.
They would say, “The noise makes our noses bleed and it won’t stop,” and scatter around blood-soaked tissue paper stuffed into cardboard boxes.
They would demand, “How will you take responsibility for this.”
Such noise issues were under the jurisdiction of the Civil Aviation Bureau of the Ministry of Transport at the time, but even if you talked to them, they would not even serve you a cup of tea.
It was not something that would ever get through in the first place.
But private airlines are in the customer business, so if you make a scene in the lobby, they will say, “Now, now, please come this way,” bring you into an office, and serve tea and sweets.
If you are lucky, you may even get transportation money, and if you say, “Give us airline tickets,” airline tickets will come out too.
That went on for a long time.
People wonder why anyone lives in a place where a runway seems to run right through the front yard.
However, the residents’ demands prevailed, and it was decided to close Itami Airport and build the New Kansai Airport.
The mystery of how such an absurd demand could ever be accepted was finally clarified by an article in the “Hito” column of the Asahi Shimbun in 2010.
According to it, the residents of the Nakamura district were “people gathered from the Korean Peninsula before the war for the expansion of the airport,” and “after the war, they were suddenly turned into illegal occupiers.”
The reporter, Taichiro Yoshino, wrote it as if they were Koreans forcibly taken and conscripted, but that is a lie.
In fact, Asahi itself has written that almost all conscripted Koreans returned to the Peninsula.
It is an article that deceives readers.
Still, that article made it clear that the residents who made such an uproar were Koreans who “illegally occupied” airport land.
That is why common sense does not apply, and why, once they start making noise, it becomes uncontrollable.
Tahara.
So that was the background.
Takayama.
But if the airport disappeared, the residents of Nakamura district would no longer gain anything, and the Ministry of Transport would also lose the vested interests of the airport building.
So Itami City, Toyonaka City, and nine other municipalities formed an 11-city council and decided to keep Itami Airport, claiming they would persuade the residents.
For that purpose, an airport special account was created to fund improvements around the airport, namely “allowances for the noise zone” across the entire surrounding area.
From the ministry’s standpoint, it was a delight, because it created two additional amakudari posts, the chairman of the airport area development organization and the president of the Kansai Airport company.
The same logic explains why Japan built Narita instead of expanding Haneda.
All eleven municipalities fed on the airport special account for everything, from parks to roads.
And because all of that happened thanks to the uproar of the Nakamura district residents, those Zainichi were rewarded with new relocation sites and newly built houses.
(As I have already written, I brokered the sale of one of those detached houses through an acquaintance.)
But the airport special account is funded by landing fees and fuel taxes collected from people who use airplanes.
To cover this reckless spending, Japan became a country that charges the highest landing fees in the world.
Once the Nakamura district problem was “handled,” areas along aircraft approach routes were then bought by the state at low prices on the grounds of severe noise.
That vacant land was what was put up for sale this time.
Noise levels had decreased as well, and then Toyonaka City began saying, “Sell this land to us for 1.4 billion yen because we will make it a park,” while Moritomo said, “We will use it as school land,” and local schools said, “We will build a lunch center here,” following the Nakamura precedent, one after another feeding on the airport special account money, with specific interest groups attaching themselves.
The Japanese Communist Party and the then Socialist Party politically supported Nakamura district.
The first to raise a fuss over the Moritomo discount issue was Makoto Kimura, a Toyonaka city council member who had been a former secretary to Mizuho Fukushima of the Social Democratic Party.
Everything is connected.
Tahara.
I see.
Takayama.
In that structure, Toyonaka City, which built the park next to the Moritomo site, was a key member of the 11-city council that benefited from keeping Itami Airport and receiving airport special-account profits, and it was the Socialist Party and the Communist Party that did all the behind-the-scenes brokering.
Then everything connects.
If you view the case along the line of Itami’s runway, you can see through everything.
But if people look at it that way, Tsujimoto, who was then the parliamentary vice-minister in charge of land and transport, would be troubled.
The Kansai Ready-Mixed Concrete Union lurking behind Moritomo also becomes deeply relevant.
In fact, one person, believed to be a spy inserted by Tsujimoto into the concrete network, has died.
(Though I say “the Japanese people,” I mean the citizens of Takatsuki, but they elected such a person as a member of the Diet and pay her more than 45 million yen a year from national taxes, higher than the salaries of Japan’s true elites working at the great corporations Japan can boast of to the world.
As for what “Kannanama,” closely connected to Tsujimoto and Makoto Kimura, really is, Wikipedia contains it.
It is an account that the citizens of Takatsuki, employees of the Asahi Shimbun, and employees of NHK must read, but for us Japanese it is a story as grotesque and foolish as anything can be.)
Next to that park was Moritomo’s land, which once had a pond called a “washing place,” and it was also a severely noisy zone, and the surrounding residents had all relocated with compensation.
Dumping industrial waste there is something they would be capable of doing.
Toyonaka City bought the park land for 1.4 billion and several tens of millions of yen.
Asahi wrote that Koike acquired land in the same district for an unfairly low price of one hundred and several tens of millions of yen.
In fact, the park was discounted by 1.4 billion yen and sold for 20 million yen.
Koike complains that his land was discounted from 900 million and several tens of millions to one hundred and several tens of millions, but the Toyonaka park was discounted even more.
The lunch center was discounted by 900 million yen as waste disposal costs.
If you line up these numbers, it is not something to make a big issue of.
Asahi knew that, yet hid the discount numbers and sided with the Social Democratic Party.
More importantly, why was there trash in such a place, and why was the land vacant.
If you start from Itami Airport, you can explain everything, yet most of the Communist Party and Democratic Party lawmakers, who are effectively parties to it, know the background and keep pretending not to know.
When Japan is surrounded by grave dangers, should the Diet really be stuck on the Moritomo issue forever.
At a time when China is strengthening dictatorship and South Korea is about to be swallowed by North Korea.
(End of excerpt.)
Now again, with exactly the same structure, the opposition parties and media such as Asahi, as if proving they are agents of China and the Korean Peninsula, give only the tiniest treatment to matters like the work of Prime Minister Abe praised at Davos, or the fact that Germany’s Merkel — who had long said things out of anti-Japanese ideology — finally recognized Abe’s correctness (perhaps because she too came to feel that China is ultimately a bottomless evil and a country of plausible lies), came to Japan to build strong relations in diplomacy and economics, and held a summit meeting, while they devote pages and news time to matters such as the labor ministry’s statistical misconduct.
NHK, rather than criticizing Kiyomi Tsujimoto for the serious illegal act of receiving political donations from foreigners, enlarges her face on screen and repeats anti-government reporting.
It is most natural for NHK to change its name to a Korean Peninsula state broadcaster, or a Chinese state broadcaster.
If the Japanese people know that is where it stands, then the weakening of Japan by information-weak citizens brainwashed by this TV station — elderly viewers and women in the TV-dependent audience — will also dissipate at once.