Linked to a chapter posted on September 13, 2018 about wam (Women’s Active Museum on War and Peace), this entry presents a long excerpt from a magazine report the author says they found online (Shukan Bunshun, June 25, 2015; dated in the text as 2015-08-07).
It describes South Korea’s government-backed Northeast Asian History Foundation as a hub for “history-war” propaganda and lobbying, alleging it funded not only Korean civic groups but also Japanese organizations and researchers, compiling lists of supported entities and invited speakers.
The excerpt traces examples involving wam, Etsuro Totsuka, a Shimane Prefectural University academic, cooperation with the Matsushita Institute of Government and Management, symposium networking with politicians, and references to the 2010 “Kan Statement.”
It concludes by noting that former Prime Minister Naoto Kan replied in writing with only “I don’t know” when asked about ties to the foundation.

2019-02-04
February 4, 2019
And what about former Prime Minister Kan, the author of the statement.
When an interview request was made regarding matters such as his involvement with the foundation, there was a written reply consisting of only a single line: “I don’t know.”
A chapter I posted on 2018-09-13 titled “wam is led by a former Asahi Shimbun reporter who was central to comfort women reporting, and after leaving Asahi, [she] … the ‘Women’s International War Crimes Tribunal’ that found Emperor Showa guilty,” is now in goo’s top search rankings.
What follows is from an article I just found online, posted under the title “A weekly magazine exposes South Korea’s anti-Japan operations.
A list of traitorous Japanese who receive money from South Korea, too…” dated 2015-08-07.
A South Korean government-approved list of “Japanese cooperators.”
The dark side of the “50th anniversary of Japan–South Korea normalization.”
A former NHK director, a UN activist, the head of the Matsushita Institute of Government and Management, Naoto Kan…
With the “50th anniversary of normalization” approaching, South Korea prepares events in an outwardly friendly mood, while at the same time intensifying anti-Japan activities such as obstructing World Heritage registration.
At the center of its external publicity activities is a certain government-affiliated foundation.
Its internal materials contained a list of Japanese to whom money was given, turning them into “cooperators.”
On June 22, the 50-year milestone since normalization under the Treaty on Basic Relations is reached.
In South Korea, moves toward “that day,” such as considering a visit to Japan by Foreign Minister Yun Byung-se, are discussed day after day.
But on the other hand, South Korea is energetically developing anti-Japan activities.
The most conspicuous example is likely South Korea’s lobbying to oppose the registration of the site commonly known as “Gunkanjima” (Hashima coal mine, Nagasaki) as a World Cultural Heritage site.
“In the World Heritage Committee review to be held in Germany from June 28, approval by more than two-thirds of the 21 member states is required.
South Korea is desperately trying to increase the number of opposing votes.
Foreign Minister Yun visited Germany, the chair country, on June 12 and appealed for opposition.
Senegal, the vice-chair country that should have expressed support for Japan, appears to have switched to opposition after President Park Geun-hye met with President Sall on June 4 and agreed on economic cooperation,” (Foreign Desk).
Also on June 4.
A South Korean civic group, the “Citizens’ Association to Work with the Halmoni of the Labor Corps,” visited Nagasaki and plotted a performance opposing the World Heritage registration by landing on Gunkanjima.
In the end it did not occur due to a ship malfunction, but the opposition movement is intensifying.
What is South Korea aiming at ahead of this “milestone day.”
Our reporting team flew to South Korea.
“Last month, we received support from a certain foundation and set up an opportunity to hear testimony from those who were conscripted (to Japan).
In addition, that foundation also provided support funds to translate the complaint filings for lawsuits in Japan.”
The person who answered our interview in Gwangju in southwestern South Korea was Mr. Lee Guk-eon, standing representative of the “Citizens’ Association.”
This “foundation” is the Northeast Asian History Foundation.
Regarding this foundation, established in 2006, a Japanese government-related person confided as follows.
“It is like the command center of the history war against Japan that South Korea wages.”
The trigger for the foundation’s establishment was in 2005, when the Shimane Prefectural Assembly passed an ordinance designating February 22 as “Takeshima Day.”
“South Korea reacted fiercely.
At the time, President Roh Moo-hyun, who issued a public message saying ‘a harsh diplomatic battle with Japan is possible,’ gave a major directive: ‘Establish an organization to research policies to counter Japan’s distortions of history and territorial issues.’
As early as the following year, the foundation was established under the Ministry of Education as an organization with the appearance of a think tank, employing a large number of researchers.
In reality it is not merely a research institution, but a de facto government body, with staff seconded from the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs who even handle policy planning and lobbying,” (same source).
The foundation occupies four floors of an office building in central Seoul, with close to 100 staff.
The chairperson at the top is regarded as a minister-level post, and currently Mr. Kim Hak-joon, who served as presidential press secretary under the Roh Tae-woo administration (1988–93), holds that position.
The No.2 secretary-general position is filled by a vice-minister-level senior official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and even an “Ambassador for Naming” responsible for issues such as the name of the Sea of Japan is seconded from the ministry.
According to the foundation’s 2014 business plan, the budget is approximately 19.1 billion won (about 2.1 billion yen).
Of that, 90% is the South Korean government budget.
In addition to a history research office handling issues such as comfort women, there is a Dokdo (Korean name for Takeshima) research institute, a public relations and education office that works on civic groups, and a policy planning office to develop South Korea’s claims in the international community.
According to a Japanese edition of a March 18, 2014 article in the Korean newspaper JoongAng Ilbo, Chairperson Kim Hak-joon said in a meeting with reporters about the foundation’s activities, “We create scenarios for specific issues and respond preemptively.”
Furthermore, he made clear a policy of advancing joint Korea–China research on the comfort women issue, and in December 2014 the foundation exchanged an MOU with an archives in Jilin Province, China, that stores materials related to the former Japanese military.
In short, it means they are teaming up with China to advance the construction of an encirclement against Japan.
Emphasis on propaganda.
We visited the building where the foundation is housed.
In the basement there is a “Dokdo Experience Hall” built at a total cost of 100 million yen.
There is a giant island diorama and booths where visitors wear 3D glasses to view stereoscopic footage of the island, aiming to imprint on visitors the “history of Dokdo” as unilaterally asserted by South Korea.
“The main themes the foundation promotes are comfort women, Dokdo, textbook issues, Yasukuni visits, the name of the Sea of Japan, and so on.
It also handles the issue of which country the ancient kingdom of Goguryeo belongs to, a dispute with China, but with closer China–Korea relations this has cooled, and now it is completely targeting Japan,” (Seoul correspondent).
The foundation’s purpose is not purely research; rather, it can be said that emphasis is placed on external propaganda.
In 2009, it held a “Korea–Netherlands–Germany Sex Slave Exhibition” in The Hague, the Netherlands, appealing to European public opinion on the comfort women issue from South Korea’s standpoint.
According to Liberal Democratic Party House of Representatives member Yoshitaka Shindo (former Minister of Internal Affairs and Communications), regarding the naming of the Sea of Japan, the foundation has already held nearly 20 seminars in Europe.
“They invite researchers and others from European countries and develop the claim that it should be called the ‘East Sea.’
In Europe, where there is not enough information about the naming of the Sea of Japan, such claims have permeated, and countries such as Austria have even begun to list both names side by side in geography textbooks,” (Shindo).
Looking at the foundation’s movements in Japan, it was conducting activities that went even further than publicity.
“This year, on Takeshima Day, foundation researchers attended the commemorative ceremony held by Shimane Prefecture together with staff from the Consulate-General in Hiroshima, and they also visited the prefecture’s Takeshima资料室 to investigate materials,” (Shimane prefectural government-related person).
On the Takeshima issue, it also conducts concealment of “inconvenient truths.”
“We hear that foundation-related people are buying up Japanese old maps one after another in Kanda’s used-book district.
They fear maps may appear that prove Takeshima is Japan’s inherent territory, so they are trying to ‘destroy evidence,’” (Shindo, cited above).
This is itself a fact that fully demonstrates the true nature of being a country of “bottomless evil” and “plausible lies.”
Looking into it further, it became clear that part of the foundation’s budget was flowing to astonishing places.
“The foundation assists anti-Japan groups in South Korea such as the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan (Chongdaehyop), but that is not all.
It also provides financial support to Japanese organizations and researchers,” (government-related person cited above).
There is a white paper published by the foundation in 2012 titled “Beyond Conflict, Toward Reconciliation: Six Years of Activities and Orientation of the Northeast Asian History Foundation” (not for sale).
It contained lists, organized by project, of organizations and individuals the foundation had supported since its establishment.
In addition, even where there was no direct monetary support, it also included lists of people invited as lecturers to symposiums hosted by the foundation.
Tracing these lists reveals the trajectory of how the foundation, which can be called the South Korean government itself, selected Japanese organizations and individuals as targets and worked to acquire them as cooperators.
One of them is Mr. Yuji Fukuhara, an associate professor at Shimane Prefectural University, which has jurisdiction over Takeshima.
Mr. Fukuhara is also a member of the Takeshima Issue Study Group established by the prefecture, and according to the list, in 2009 he received support for a study titled “A Study of the History and Current Situation of Shimane Prefecture Fisheries.”
Furthermore, that same year, when an academic conference commemorating the first anniversary of the establishment of the foundation’s Dokdo Research Institute was held in Seoul, he attended and even presented research.
“It is true that even within Shimane’s study group, his words and actions—such as listing Takeshima and Dokdo side by side—were regarded as problematic.
Mr. Fukuhara argues that rather than resolving the territorial issue, priority should be given to the fisheries issues of Oki fishermen who fished around Takeshima, and he repeatedly makes remarks that benefit South Korea.
It is an unacceptable issue that a prefectural university faculty member obtained such funds,” (Shimane prefectural government-related person cited above).
How does the person himself explain it.
We visited Mr. Fukuhara.
“I received funding from the foundation and conducted research for one year.
I think it was about 600,000 to 700,000 yen.
I researched fisheries issues because I thought it might be good to incorporate the viewpoint of daily life, the viewpoint of the private sector.
The joy of scholarship is making discoveries from new perspectives.”
—Is there no problem in receiving funding from a South Korean government-affiliated foundation whose purpose is publicity.
“It is unpleasant to be seen as taking ‘colored’ funding.
Basically, scholars do not stand on the side of any country; they clarify what is academically unknown.
Even if a Japan research institute at Seoul National University aimed to increase pro-Korea people, if research funds are available and I can research freely, I would apply.”
Cooperation with the Matsushita Institute.
The name of a museum in Nishi-Waseda, Tokyo, was also on the list.
It was the “Women’s Active Museum on War and Peace” (wam).
The amount is not clear from the list, but it says the foundation supported the production of a comfort women map in 2008.
wam was established to carry on the will of Ms. Yayori Matsui (died 2002), who was a former Asahi Shimbun reporter central to comfort women reporting and, after leaving Asahi, served as co-representative of the executive committee of the “Women’s International War Crimes Tribunal” that found Emperor Showa guilty.
The current director is Ms. Eriko Ikeda, a former NHK director, also known for close ties such as frequently co-hosting symposiums with Chongdaehyop.
When we visited Ms. Ikeda, an in-person interview was refused, and we were told to send questions in writing.
After we sent detailed questions, an email arrived refusing the interview, citing reasons such as “a different understanding of the Northeast Asian History Foundation.”
On the foundation’s list, the most internationally well-known name is likely former lawyer Mr. Etsuro Totsuka.
“He is the person who, in 1992, requested the UN Commission on Human Rights to take up the comfort women issue and was the first to develop the claim that comfort women were ‘sex slaves.’
He is fluent in English and well acquainted with organizations in Geneva related to the UN Human Rights Council.
His activities on the UN stage began even before South Korea raised the comfort women issue in the international community, and it can be said he built the groundwork for Japan to receive unjust criticism,” (former Foreign Ministry official).
According to the list, in 2010 support was provided to Mr. Totsuka for research called “Re-examination of the Process of Japan’s Annexation of Korea.”
In a paper he published that year titled “The Origin of the 100th Anniversary of the ‘Annexation of Korea’ and International Law,” it states, “I would like to express my gratitude for receiving a grant from the Northeast Asia History Research Foundation for this research.”
In response to our interview request, Mr. Totsuka sent an email reply.
While saying, “I do not feel motivated to accept an interview,” he argues as follows.
“When an issue becomes so large that it can be called a grave human rights violation, there are cases where neither the Japanese government nor society can resolve it on their own.
In such cases, (omitted) it may be possible to request mediation by the United Nations to promote a solution.
In the long run, that ultimately benefits Japan, but from a short-term perspective, or if viewed only from Japan’s side, it may look ‘anti-Japan.’”
And then he straightforwardly acknowledges support from the foundation.
“In Korea, as you point out, I also received assistance from the Northeast Asia History Foundation, and I was also assisted by Seoul National University.
(omitted) However, I have taken care to note that I cannot accept support from perpetrators, and I also cannot accept support from organizations that have been ethically criticized.”
The foundation’s targets are not only researchers and civic groups.
The foundation’s white paper says:
“2010 was a period of political upheaval in Japan when politics changed from an LDP administration to a DPJ administration.
Taking this as an opportunity, the foundation, with the aim of resolving Japan–Korea historical perception issues, cooperated with Japan’s Matsushita Institute to hold the ‘Korea–Japan Opinion Leader Symposium.’”
The claim that it cooperated with the Matsushita Institute to approach the DPJ administration is also discussed in an interview with former foundation chairperson Mr. Jung Jae-jung published in the Korean magazine Weekly Chosun (December 20, 2010 issue).
“On July 27, we held a symposium in Seoul in which lawmakers from both countries participated.
From the Korean side, Chairman Lee Sang-deuk of the Korea–Japan Parliamentarians’ Union (the brother of then-President Lee Myung-bak) participated.
From the Japanese side, Chairman Kozo Watanabe participated.
I have not said this elsewhere, but this was arranged by us and was set up through the Matsushita Institute.
The institute is right-wing.
I thought we had to capture the right wing that moves Japan.
I contacted the institute’s head, invited him to Korea, and had him give a lecture at the foundation.
(omitted) I proposed that we make efforts as both sides approach the centennial.
There are dozens of lawmakers who are Matsushita Institute alumni, and we decided to call those people and hold a gathering of Japan–Korea lawmakers.
We discussed reflection on the 100-year Japan–Korea history and a future vision.
In that setting, the topic of the Prime Minister Kan statement also came up.”
In August of that year, the centennial of the annexation of Korea, then-Prime Minister Naoto Kan, in the “Kan Statement,” apologized to South Korea and even moved into measures such as handing over cultural properties including the Joseon Dynasty Uigwe.
Former chairperson Jung praises himself, saying he “takes pride in having made a certain contribution” to this statement.
“At the time, the Japanese government’s approval ratings were falling even as it approached the House of Councillors election, and politically it was a very difficult period, but even so we persuaded the Japanese government and, as a result, produced the Kan Statement.”
President Park’s influence operation toward the United States.
Mr. Kazuhiro Furuyama, head of the Matsushita Institute, named by former chairperson Jung as the “hook” for the operation, gave a lecture at the foundation on November 18, 2009.
We asked Mr. Furuyama.
“It is true that I gave the lecture because I was strongly asked to do so purely for Japan–Korea relations, but there was no intention.
It was reported in Korea in a very distorted way.
It was used politically, so to speak.
I protested to the foundation, and since then I have cut off the relationship.”
—Did you know the nature of the foundation.
“I knew.
But people from the foundation came and said they strongly wanted a frank discussion, and it was only that we decided, if so, then let’s do it.
I have not cooperated with the foundation in any way.”
And what about former Prime Minister Kan, the author of the statement.
When an interview request was made regarding matters such as his involvement with the foundation, there was a written reply consisting of only a single line: “I don’t know.”
When we interviewed Mr. Kozo Watanabe, who at the time was chairman of the Japan–Korea Parliamentarians’ Union, he answered, “All we did was consistently talk with the Korean side about taking a future-oriented approach,” but a Foreign Ministry-related person looks back as follows.
“At first glance it looks like they were simply invited to Seoul for lectures and symposiums, but the handover of the Joseon Dynasty Uigwe originally came up at a symposium of lawmakers said to have been held in cooperation with the Matsushita Institute.”
When we requested an interview with the Northeast Asian History Foundation, the reply was, “We cannot answer anything other than what is posted on our website.”
Pointing out the dangers of such influence activities by the foundation is Professor Tsutomu Nishioka of Tokyo Christian University.
“In Japan there is an idea that research should be advanced based on academic conscience, but this foundation acts based on a clear policy of ‘conducting the research necessary to win the history war with Japan.’
It has nothing to do with Japan’s leisurely approach.
The Foreign Ministry is said to be promoting the establishment of ‘Japan House’ to transmit Japan’s appeal overseas, but merely promoting anime and Japanese food cannot compete with South Korea’s ‘history war.’”
President Park Geun-hye recently said in an interview with a U.S. newspaper regarding negotiations with Japan over the comfort women issue, “There has been considerable progress, and we are now in the final stage.”
It is a remark as if there is a prospect of extracting concessions from Japan, but for the Japanese government it came out of nowhere.
President Park’s true intention is seen as “an influence operation toward the United States to create the impression that Japan will make concessions,” (political desk reporter).
Toward June 22, the movements of South Korea’s “Japanese cooperators” should also be watched closely.
Shukan Bunshun, June 25, 2015 issue.