This chapter examines the relationship between Mizuho Fukushima and the anti-base movement in Okinawa, focusing in particular on the large-scale financial support provided to Hiroji Yamashiro.
It also discusses the Okinawa Peace Movement Center, references in the police white paper, and links with far-left activist groups, while considering the broader structure of ideological influence within Japanese politics, labor organizations, and the media.

2019-04-16
In recent years, one issue to which she has devoted particular energy is the problem of military bases in Okinawa.
Member Fukushima is connected to Hiroji Yamashiro of the anti-base movement, and appears to have supported his activities through large financial donations as well.

What follows is a continuation of the previous chapter.

The Okinawa Peace Movement Center, whose chair is Hiroji Yamashiro, to whom Member Fukushima made large donations, is also mentioned in the Police White Paper, which pointed out that the Chūkakuha and the Kakumaru-ha were involved in the anti-base movement.
It raises the banner of peace, but what is its true reality.
Particular caution is required when students become linked with extremist movements, because their influence can then be preserved in society far into the future, and individuals and organizations that draw students into such movements must be watched carefully.
Given that many of today’s Japanese labor unions have been infiltrated and controlled by people who once belonged to extremist groups, this observation is profoundly accurate.
We must not take our eyes off how the funds provided by Member Fukushima are being used, including what kinds of activities they serve as financial support for.
Needless to say, Chongryon is an organization under the control of North Korea, the totalitarian state ruled by the Kim family.
North Korea is a hostile state toward Japan.
It is no exaggeration to say that their entire philosophy consists of propaganda.
Originally, Korea had been a vassal state of China, a country that neighboring nations since ancient times have described as dark-hearted.
At its foundation lie “bottomless evil” and “plausible lies.”
It is therefore no exaggeration to say that true scholarship and true intelligence do not exist there.
And so, when they engage in “bottomless evil” and “plausible lies,” the persistence they display is likewise far from ordinary.
The astonishing fact that an event as unbelievable as the Women’s International War Crimes Tribunal was held in Tokyo in 2000 by Asahi Shimbun employees, NHK staff, and the people they had long placed on newspaper pages and television screens, and that NHK gleefully broadcast it, demonstrated that Japan’s media world lay completely under their influence.
Prime Minister Abe, during the Koizumi cabinet’s visit to North Korea, when part of the abduction issue was resolved, turned to his advantage the fact that the room was being bugged, displayed wisdom that deserves special mention in Japanese history, forced Kim Jong-il to acknowledge the abductions, and secured the return of five abductees.
For them, this was the greatest humiliation imaginable.
Now, in exactly the same pattern, against Prime Minister Abe, who for them is an enemy of deep resentment, the Asahi Shimbun lights the fuse, NHK follows, and media outlets led by TBS and others under their influence engage in massive coverage.
NHK broadcasts enlarged images of Kiyomi Tsujimoto and Tetsurō Fukuyama day after day.
Those smirking as they watch are surely people such as Chongryon.
China is another hostile state.
And China, which even gets ordinary Chinese people to say things like, “We like all Japanese except Prime Minister Abe,” as it watches Prime Minister Abe, who never acts as they wish, is surely smirking as well.
So too are the Süddeutsche Zeitung, The New York Times, Alexis Dudden, Carol Gluck, John Dower, and M. Honda.
The genuine book I introduced the other day, Traitor Politicians, which again conveys facts that Japanese media of the kind described above, precisely because they are such media, never convey, also proves that what I have said was entirely correct.
Here I would like to introduce an excerpt from the chapter on Mizuho Fukushima.

Mizuho Fukushima and Okinawa.

In Heisei 25 (2013), taking responsibility for the defeat in the House of Councillors election, she resigned as leader of the Social Democratic Party, a post she had held for nearly ten years.
During that period, the Social Democratic Party’s number of seats steadily declined, and even now its qualification as a political party itself remains in jeopardy.
Within that Social Democratic Party, however, it is Vice Leader Mizuho Fukushima who has continued to protect one of its precious seats.
Judging from news reports and the like, she can be described as a politician who, despite being subjected to criticism, is not discouraged by it, but boldly advances her own claims and possesses considerable resilience.

In earlier years, she was active on the issue of the so-called wartime comfort women, and during the coalition government with the Democratic Party, on such issues as optional separate surnames for married couples.
After the end of the coalition with the Democratic Party, she worked on denuclearization and a variety of other themes.
After the Democratic Party lost power, she developed criticism of the government over security legislation and the conspiracy law.
In recent years, the issue to which Vice Leader Fukushima has devoted particular effort is the problem of military bases in Okinawa.

Member Fukushima is connected to Hiroji Yamashiro of the anti-base movement, and appears to have supported his activities through large financial donations as well.
In fiscal 2013, the Hiroji Yamashiro Support Association received as much as 13.5 million yen in political donations under the name of Mizuho Fukushima of the Social Democratic Party National Federation.

Hiroji Yamashiro served as chair of the Okinawa Peace Movement Center, while also standing at the forefront of the anti-base movement as an activist.
On the construction road for the U.S. military’s Northern Training Area at Takae in Higashi Village, he was arrested for assaulting an official of the Okinawa Defense Bureau.

On the construction road for the U.S. military’s Northern Training Area at Takae in Higashi Village, Hiroji Yamashiro, chair of the Okinawa Peace Movement Center, age 64, and a male pastor from Kanagawa Prefecture were arrested on the 20th by the Prefectural Police Security Division 1 on suspicion of obstruction of official duties and assault, for attacking an Okinawa Defense Bureau employee, age 42, who had been installing an intrusion-prevention fence.
(From the Okinawa Times, October 21, Heisei 28 [2016])

According to the Police White Paper, far-left violent groups were also involved in the anti-base movement in Okinawa.
Even the official paper of the Kakukyōdō and Kakumaru-ha, the Revolutionary Communist League, National Committee and Revolutionary Marxist Faction, reported on protest actions against Defense Minister Onodera’s visit to Okinawa.
The organizer of that emergency protest rally was the Okinawa Peace Movement Center, chaired by Hiroji Yamashiro.

A Fist of Anger at the Defense Minister’s Visit to Okinawa, 1.16.
On January 16 in Okinawa, an emergency protest rally against Defense Minister Onodera, who had come to the prefecture to push forward construction of the new Marine base at Henoko, was held in front of the prefectural office, sponsored by the Okinawa Peace Movement Center.
The fighting students of the University of the Ryukyus and Okinawa International University stood at the very front together with the gathered workers and citizens, and resolutely hurled at Defense Minister Onodera cries of anger, “Stop the construction of the new Henoko base.
Smash the security system.”
(From Kaihō, No. 2257, February 25, Heisei 25 [2013])

To be continued.