NHK reports continuing supply shortages in disaster zones. The essay condemns Kantei dysfunction and staffing, argues Ichirō Ozawa is the most qualified to lead recovery, and calls on media elites—who shaped public opinion that produced the current leadership—to accept responsibility and support the front line. The core message: we cannot fix the reactor ourselves, but we can change the politics that created this crisis.

A blog post from March 28 and 29, 2011. The author laments the ongoing lack of supplies in the disaster-stricken areas of the Great East Japan Earthquake, blaming it on Prime Minister Naoto Kan’s “recluse state” and the questionable character of Yoshito Sengoku, who was appointed to handle disaster recovery. The author quotes a statement that the Prime Minister’s visit to the nuclear plant was “for his own study” and another about “only God knows” the worst-case scenario, harshly criticizing the government’s tendency to avoid responsibility. The author also argues that the media, which created “weak politics,” is responsible for the situation and suggests that media personnel should go to the nuclear plant to atone for their sins.

Even Now, Supplies Still Haven’t Arrived—What on Earth Is Going On?
2011-03-28
(Honorifics omitted)

Watching NHK this morning, I heard that even now relief supplies are still not reaching disaster areas in adequate amounts. As I noted earlier, Nikkei reported that the prime minister—who not only missed the moment to step down but inflicted tremendous damage on Fukushima and on Japan—is now “holed up at the Kantei.”

And in the confusion he promptly reinstated and appointed as Reconstruction Minister a man from Tokushima, Sengoku. From what I had already learned, his one true “mission” seems to be Japan–Korea relations. Looking at his conduct, I cannot believe he can share the noble spirit of the people of Tōhoku—raised by the breathtaking ranges of Adatara, Bandai, Zao, and Iwate; by vast, fertile plains that produce Japan’s finest rice and sake; and by the limitless Pacific and the inexpressible beauty of the ria coastline, from which Date Masamune sent Hasekura Tsunenaga as envoy to the Pope four hundred years ago. They are few of words, warm of heart, far from fraud and lies. I cannot see this man sharing that.

Worse, like an overgrown boy, does he not cling to hatred of Ichirō Ozawa to such an extent that he would tolerate delays in rescuing Tōhoku—especially Iwate? Absurd as that seems, even I found myself, unusually, harboring such a suspicion. For even now supplies haven’t arrived—what on earth is going on?

We cannot afford to simply lament, for the negative consequences of such lamentation for Japan would be immense.
Needless to say, what matters most in getting anything done is a fervent, wholehearted will. As for shouldering recovery from the Great East Japan Earthquake, in experience, results, capability, and judgment, there is no one more suitable than Ichirō Ozawa. This is common knowledge.

Are we not already at the point where “The prime minister’s fearful habit of shutting his eyes to unwelcome realities and bending facts toward the direction he desires has brought immeasurable harm upon the people”? Any wise ruler—say, Lincoln, reviewed today in the Asahi book pages—would know whom to bow to and ask. Appoint Ozawa as deputy prime minister—or else resign and, yourself clad in a perfectly protective suit, stake your life at Fukushima Daiichi to restore the plant and save the nation. Only such deeds could atone for your position.

Apologize to Ozawa for prior discourtesy—he will immediately forgive you; unlike you, he is an adult statesman. Let him work like a lion to save and rebuild Japan, and you step down. Do that, and you would be praised as a wise ruler. Alas—are the inept inept to the end? But lamenting will not help Japan; we must act.

Roughly thirty thousand people work in Japan’s mass media. In short, they have spoken “for the nation.” The result? They selected the current prime minister, steered public opinion that way, and helped bring about the present state at Fukushima—likewise regarding coverage of nuclear construction over the years. Now is the time to wield that top-tier pay for the national good. Those who truly possess a journalist’s soul should remain in the field or at headquarters to report accurately; everyone else should purchase world-class protective gear and head for Fukushima Daiichi. Especially the power brokers—the editorialists and anchors, the highest paid—should stand at the front. That, I believe, is the only way to atone for your share of guilt before Japan.

We cannot go to the plant and stop the reactor ourselves. But we can change the politics the mass media created. Why? Because it was created by a mere thirty thousand people and their orbit. The stupefied citizens glued to television followed—but they can wake up. If they do not awake after this, Japan is not Japan; a nation fated to stand alongside America and lead the world for the next 170 years must have awakened.

I read that—in some anonymous corner of the internet, likely the dregs of places like 2channel—there are calls for the return of Jun’ichirō Koizumi. I refuse to believe Japanese are such fools.

Handling the Nuclear Crisis: Broken Coordination—A Private Expert Corps at the Kantei Disrupts Information Sharing (Nikkei, this morning)

Distrust of TEPCO and of METI’s Nuclear and Industrial Safety Agency (NISA) has deepened within the Kantei. After the quake, the prime minister appointed six nuclear specialists as cabinet advisors in rapid succession. The suspicion of TEPCO drove him to “strengthen” the Kantei’s structure, but this has created a vicious cycle of strain in coordination and information sharing between the Kantei, TEPCO, and NISA—hindering crisis response.

On the morning of the 28th, Professor Hiroshi Tasaka, who studied nuclear engineering at the University of Tokyo, was seen paying courtesy calls to Chief Cabinet Secretary Edano and Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Sengoku. He is expected to become an advisor soon. The total number of advisors is now fifteen—an extraordinary increase reflecting the PM’s deep distrust: “No information is coming from TEPCO or NISA,” he has complained. On the 22nd he summoned NISA chief Terasaka and Nuclear Safety Commission chair Madarame and scolded them: “Coordinate better.”

Four of the six new appointees are positioned as “second” or “third opinions” independent of TEPCO and NISA. The Kantei, which should be acting in unity with TEPCO and NISA, now appears to be keeping its distance. At his press conference on the 28th, Edano criticized TEPCO’s repeated corrections of radiation readings in the Unit 2 turbine building, saying, “Measurement is the premise of safety. Mistakes are unacceptable.” The government maintains it urged early venting and denies that the PM’s visit the morning after the quake delayed operations. But NSC chair Madarame testified in the Upper House that the background to the PM’s visit was “the prime minister wanted to study nuclear power a little, so I accompanied him.” Meanwhile, the PM emphasized that evacuation orders were based on the NSC’s analysis, seemingly shifting responsibility. One sees in all quarters a rhetoric of avoiding responsibility.

Who chose so great a fool—and who made us choose him?