On August 6, 2016, this essay examines the moral reality of indiscriminate bombings and atomic attacks carried out by the United States at the end of World War II.
It argues that postwar narratives portraying Japan as uniquely evil were politically constructed, and asserts that history will ultimately reveal the truth.

2016-08-06
Among those watching the NHK television special program “The Atomic Bombing Without Decision” currently being broadcast, my readers must all have realized that what I have repeatedly pointed out was entirely correct.
I have stated many times that in the final stage of the war, the United States indiscriminately bombed nearly all of Japan’s cities—127 in total—using incendiary bombs and reducing them to ashes, and that this constituted a crime against humanity.
I have also pointed out that when it was already clear to everyone around the world—except Japanese citizens who read newspapers led by Asahi Shimbun—that Japan had no option but to surrender, the United States dropped atomic bombs, an act that was among the greatest crimes in human history, no less grave than those committed by the Nazis.
I have further mentioned the ignorance and extreme vulgarity of the United States at the time, including the fact that the initial candidate for the atomic bombing target was Kyoto.
Ultimately, the targets were Hiroshima and Nagasaki, but why were atomic bombs dropped on a Japan that had already been reduced to ashes?
This program also revealed that even at the time, there were voices in the world arguing that the indiscriminate bombings carried out by the United States were inhumane and constituted war crimes.
Nevertheless, the program made clear that the reason the United States dropped the atomic bombs was that “since the atomic bomb had been completed, failing to use it would invite criticism from Congress.”
Having committed crimes against humanity on such a scale, the United States then fabricated the Nanjing Massacre in order to portray Japan as an evil nation and the Japanese as an evil people.
Whether this was a collaboration with the Nationalist Party of Chiang Kai-shek, or whether Chiang himself exploited it, remains a question.
Subsequently, one-party dictators of the Communist Party thoroughly exploited it in order to extract enormous sums of money from Japan.
Moreover—and this is something I suddenly realized and made known to the world for the first time—they continue to exploit it even today, at this very moment, in order to keep Japan confined as a political prisoner within the international community, even seventy years after the war.
Those who cooperated in this effort were Honda Katsuichi and the Asahi Shimbun itself.
Thus, even now, they continue to insult Japan and the Japanese people, inflicting enormous damage.
Faced with the extreme persistence of villains inhabiting the world of the internet, I had laid down my pen, even acting against the intentions of Kukai.
Before that, however, I had written numerous essays, including: “Who was it that kept changing Japan’s prime ministers like a revolving door until the return of Shinzo Abe?”
“Angela Merkel served as leader of the CDU for sixteen years and as German chancellor for twelve years, and before her, Helmut Kohl served as chancellor for sixteen years.”
If one is to say that Japan should learn from Germany, then this is precisely what must be learned, and I was the first in the world to make this clear.
These essays of mine pronounced the death sentence on Kang Sang-jung and on the Asahi Shimbun.
One day, history will prove this to be true.
To be continued.