The core of the Moritomo scandal lies in a long-running structure involving Itami Airport’s approach zone, “noise compensation” spending from special airport accounts, local government rent-seeking, political backing, and selective media framing.
Centered on a dialogue between Masayuki Takayama and Makiko Takita, this piece outlines the hidden background Asahi and NHK avoid: price-discount comparisons, land history, and the network linking key actors.

2019-01-04

This is a fact that all Japanese citizens and people across the world must know.
A chapter I published on 2018-12-17 titled “Wikipedia: the reality that citizens of Takatsuki, and employees of the Asahi Shimbun and NHK must read” is now ranked 2nd in Ameba’s search results.
A chapter I published on 3/28 is now ranked among the top three in goo’s search counts.
This chapter is one that every Japanese citizen must engrave in their mind, sentence by sentence, so that they will never forget it again.
Above all, we must thank God that we possess the world’s foremost genuine journalist in the postwar era—without equal.
Readers will likely think, as my friend said, that Masayuki Takayama and I are almost identical.
This chapter also perfectly explains who Kiyomi Tsujimoto is, how she helped manufacture the Moritomo issue, and what the Asahi Shimbun truly is.
Pseudo-moralists—represented by Kenzaburo Oe and Haruki Murakami beyond any doubt—and the many pseudo-moralists who have revered them must come to feel, in their bones, how deeply sinful they have been toward Japan and the Japanese people.
Readers should understand that this was a grave crime against the world.
Regarding what kind of land Moritomo Gakuen and its adjacent area truly were, Masayuki Takayama, the one and only journalist in the postwar world, has once again conveyed in a dialogue feature with Makiko Takita in the monthly magazine WiLL released on the 26th facts that, for some reason, Asahi Shimbun and NHK do not report at all.
This is a fact that all Japanese citizens and people across the world must know.
(omitted).
A “tainted” piece of land.
To begin with, the land Moritomo bought was tainted.
It lies on the approach path for aircraft to Itami Airport.
It is a restricted zone on what is called the approach surface.
This is an important foreshadowing, because since the 1970s residents around that area had made a huge commotion, claiming that jet noise was unbearable.
In particular, residents of the Nakamura district, which intruded into the airport premises, stormed the airport and caused disturbances in front of the JAL and ANA counters.
They would claim, “The noise makes my nosebleeds unstoppable,” and scatter blood-soaked tissues packed in cardboard boxes.
They would demand, “How will you take responsibility for this.”
Such noise issues fell under the jurisdiction of the Civil Aviation Bureau of the Ministry of Transport at the time, but if you spoke to them, you would not even be offered a cup of tea.
In the first place, the claim was not one that would ever pass.
But private airlines are customer businesses, so if people made a disturbance in the lobby, the staff would say, “Now, now, please come this way,” bring them into an office, and serve tea and snacks.
If things went well, they would even hand out “transportation money,” and if demanded, they would provide airline tickets as well.
This went on for a long time.
People wondered why anyone would live where a runway seems to run through the front yard.
Yet the residents’ demands were accepted, and Itami Airport was to be closed, with a new Kansai International Airport to be built.
The mystery of how such absurdity could prevail was finally clarified in a 2010 article in Asahi Shimbun’s “Hito” column.
According to that article, the Nakamura district residents were “people gathered from the Korean Peninsula before the war for airport expansion,” and “after the war they were suddenly turned into illegal occupants.”
The reporter, Taichiro Yoshino, wrote as if they were Koreans forcibly taken and conscripted, but that is a lie.
Asahi itself wrote that nearly all conscripted Koreans returned to the peninsula.
It is an article meant to deceive readers.
But through that article it became clear that the residents who raised the commotion were Koreans who had “illegally occupied” airport land.
That explains why common sense did not apply and why once they began making trouble, they were impossible to control.
Takita.
So that was the background.
Takayama.
However, if the airport disappeared, the Nakamura district residents would lose what they could gain, and the Ministry of Transport would also lose its airport-building interests.
So eleven municipalities including Itami City and Toyonaka City formed an 11-city council and decided to keep Itami Airport, claiming they would persuade the residents.
To fund airport-area improvements—namely “compensation for noise zones” throughout the surrounding area—a special airport account was created.
For the Ministry of Transport, this meant two additional amakudari destinations: a chairman post at the airport-area development organization and a president post at Kansai Airport, and they were delighted.
The reason Japan built Narita instead of expanding Haneda is exactly the same.
The eleven surrounding cities clung to the special airport account for everything, from parks to roads.
And because it was all thanks to the Nakamura district residents making a commotion, those resident Koreans were rewarded with new relocation sites and newly built houses.
As I have already written, I brokered the sale of one such detached house through an acquaintance.
But the special airport account is funded by landing fees and fuel taxes collected from those who use airplanes.
To cover this uncontrolled spending, Japan became the country that charges the world’s highest landing fees.
Once the Nakamura district issue was handled, areas along aircraft approach routes were then purchased by the state at low prices under the pretext of severe noise.
That vacant land was then put up for sale.
Noise levels had decreased, but Toyonaka City demanded land under the approach route “because we will make it a park, sell it to us for 1.4 billion yen,” Moritomo said “because we will use it for a school site,” and local schools said “because we will build a lunch center here.”
Following the Nakamura precedent, they began one after another to feed off the special airport account, and specific interest groups latched on.
The political backing for the Nakamura district was provided by the Japanese Communist Party and the then Socialist Party.
The first to raise a commotion over the Moritomo selloff was Makoto Kimura, a Toyonaka city council member and former secretary to Mizuho Fukushima of the Social Democratic Party.
Everything is connected.
Takita.
I see.
Takayama.
Within this structure, Toyonaka City, which built the park next to Moritomo’s site, was a key member of the 11-city council that benefited from keeping Itami Airport and receiving special airport account money, and all the political brokering was done by the Socialist Party and the Communist Party.
Then everything connects.
If you view the incident along the Itami runway line, you can see through it all.
But if that perspective is adopted, Tsujimoto, who was then a Vice Minister for Land and Transport, would be in trouble.
The Kansai Ready-Mixed Concrete Union lurking behind Moritomo would also become deeply relevant.
In fact, one concrete “spy,” believed to have been inserted by Tsujimoto, has died.
Although they are called “the Japanese people,” in fact they are the citizens of Takatsuki, and they elected such a person as a Diet member and, from national taxes, pay her an annual income exceeding 45 million yen—higher than the true elite working at Japan’s world-class corporations.
What Kansai Nama is, which is closely connected to Tsujimoto and Makoto Kimura, is a reality that Takatsuki citizens and employees of Asahi Shimbun and NHK must read on Wikipedia, but for us Japanese citizens it is an unspeakably disgusting and foolish story.
Next to that park is Moritomo’s land, where there used to be a pond called a “washing place,” and it was also a severe noise zone where surrounding residents had all relocated after receiving compensation.
Dumping industrial waste there is something they might well do.
Toyonaka City bought the park land for 1.4 billion and some tens of millions of yen.
Asahi wrote that Kagoike obtained land in the same area at an unfairly low price of 100 million and some tens of millions of yen.
But in fact the park was discounted by 1.4 billion yen and sold for 20 million yen.
Kagoike makes noise about a discount from 900 million and some tens of millions to 100 million and some tens of millions, but Toyonaka’s park was discounted even more.
The lunch center was discounted by 900 million yen as “garbage disposal costs.”
If you line up these numbers, it is not something to make a huge issue of.
Asahi knew that, yet concealed the discount figures and sided with the Social Democratic Party.
More importantly, why was there garbage there in the first place, and why was the land vacant.
If you start with Itami Airport, you can explain everything, yet the Communist Party and Democratic Party Diet members, who were practically parties to it all, know the history and keep pretending they do not.
When Japan’s surroundings are in crisis, should the Diet really keep obsessing over Moritomo forever.
At a time when China is trying to strengthen dictatorship and South Korea is about to be swallowed by North Korea.
(omitted).