Based on a special dialogue feature by Masayuki Takayama and Noriyuki Yamaguchi published in the monthly magazine WiLL, this essay examines why the Moritomo Gakuen issue began to subside and what structure lay behind it.
It focuses especially on how the appearance of Kiyomi Tsujimoto’s name in the email exchanges became a turning point that changed the response of both the opposition parties and the media, and reconsiders the political intentions and framework behind the affair.

2019-03-25
I believe that one of the factors that caused this issue to move toward its conclusion was Diet member Kiyomi Tsujimoto.
Until Ms. Tsujimoto’s name appeared, the opposition parties had been pressing, “Disclose all the emails.”
This is essential reading for every Japanese citizen.
It is also essential reading for people all over the world who wish to know what truth really is.
I hereby republish the chapter I released on 2017-04-29 under that title.
The special dialogue feature in this month’s issue of the monthly magazine WiLL, titled “The Dark Matter at the Core of the Moritomo Problem. Why Did It Stop When Kiyomi Tsujimoto’s Name Appeared,” a sixteen-page conversation in three-column format by Masayuki Takayama and Noriyuki Yamaguchi, is essential reading for every Japanese citizen.
It is also essential reading for people all over the world who wish to know what truth really is.
Today I read it on the train to and from Kyoto.
It splendidly demonstrated that Masayuki Takayama is the one and only journalist in the postwar world.
At the same time, I am convinced that my own essays must also have helped push Masayuki Takayama forward.
The preceding text is omitted.
The Zainichi Koreans of the Nakamura district.
Takayama.
Even while the North Korean situation was becoming increasingly tense, the opposition parties were frivolously making a great uproar over the Moritomo Gakuen issue.
It is certainly fading out now, but this matter needs to be brought to a clear conclusion.
This too is not entirely unrelated to North Korea.
Yamaguchi.
The Moritomo issue began with a newspaper article in February claiming that state-owned land had been sold off at an unjustifiably low price.
I believe that one of the factors that caused this issue to move toward its conclusion was Diet member Kiyomi Tsujimoto.
Until Ms. Tsujimoto’s name appeared, the opposition parties had been pressing, “Disclose all the emails.”
However, once it became known that Ms. Tsujimoto’s name appeared several times in the emails exchanged between Junko Kagoike, vice principal of Moritomo Gakuen and Tsukamoto Kindergarten, and Akie Abe, the Democratic Party told the media, “This is a hoax and must not be handled,” and, “The emails sent by Junko Kagoike are false, so do not spread them.”
In other words, they were saying that Ms. Kagoike’s testimony was a lie.
Until then, the opposition parties had pursued the Abe couple using as virtually their sole basis the statements of Mr. Kagoike, who said that he had received one million yen from Prime Minister Abe.
But then the opposition itself admitted that the statements of the Kagoike couple, on which they had relied, lacked credibility.
And then there is the matter of the group that, according to Junko Kagoike, Ms. Tsujimoto sent in as spies from the ready-mix concrete union.
What kind of people were they.
North Korea and China treated it in the news as “Prime Minister Abe runs into trouble over an ultraright school.”
Put simply, they were delighted.
There are those who set the fire, and there are those who rejoice in it.
The question remains, who exactly benefited from this issue, and what kind of structure lay behind it.
This article continues.