2018-11-06
The following is from an article by Yoshiko Sakurai published on the front page of yesterday’s Sankei Shimbun.
On October 30, South Korea’s Supreme Court ordered Nippon Steel & Sumitomo Metal Corporation, formerly Nippon Steel Corporation, to pay 400 million won, approximately 40 million yen, in damages to four former wartime laborers.
Article 2 of the 1965 Agreement on the Settlement of Problems Concerning Property and Claims and on Economic Cooperation between Japan and the Republic of Korea confirms that issues concerning the claims of the two countries and “their nationals, including juridical persons,” had been “settled completely and finally.”
It states that all claims for compensation and other matters, whether those of individuals or corporations, had already been settled.
At the time, the Japanese government took every possible precaution and also exchanged minutes with South Korea.
Those minutes contained explanations concerning eight categories of claims.
Unpaid wages and compensation for wartime conscripted workers were also included, making it doubly and triply clear that the matter had already been settled.
It was therefore only natural that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe immediately declared after the ruling, “This is a decision that is inconceivable under international law.”
The prime minister also did not refer to the four men as “conscripted workers,” but described them as “workers from the former Korean Peninsula.”
This is an important point, sharply exposing the dubious nature of the Moon Jae-in administration, which attempts to make black appear white.
The many abnormal developments taking place under the Moon administration would be inconceivable in an ordinary nation governed by the rule of law.
This series of events tells us that South Korea is in the midst of a socialist revolution.
Revolutionary forces destroy the entirety of the order that preceded them.
They tear up treaties, contracts, and common sense as though they were scraps of paper.
That is precisely what the Moon administration is doing.
They seek to impose an unjust ruling on Japan and extract enormous sums of money, while at the same time forcing upon the majority of the South Korean people a revolution that those people could hardly be expected to desire, and attempting to drag all of South Korea into a pro-North Korean socialist revolution led by radical forces.
The current “issue of workers from the former Korean Peninsula” should be understood within this larger picture, and no compromise whatsoever is necessary with the revolution-oriented Moon administration.
If a socialist revolution were to be accomplished on the Korean Peninsula, Japan’s security and diplomacy would face extremely serious difficulties, and Japan must take measures to strengthen its own capabilities as quickly as possible.
At least 273 companies that could potentially be sued by South Koreans should take this opportunity to deepen their basic understanding of the Moon administration and prepare for policies that the Moon administration, as a revolutionary force, may introduce in the near future.
Moon’s campaign pledge of “eliminating deep-rooted evils” should be understood as meaning the “elimination of the pro-Japanese mainstream,” and we should consider that he seeks to build a state centered on the ideology of Kim Il Sung.
Moon, who served as chief presidential secretary, equivalent to chief cabinet secretary, under the Roh Moo-hyun administration, which followed North Korea from beginning to end, says that the person he respects is Shin Young-bok.
Shin was a secret member of the underground South Korean revolutionary organization known as the Revolutionary Party for Reunification, which was created under orders from Kim Il Sung.
During his visit to Europe in October, Moon called for the lifting of economic sanctions against North Korea and drew a derisive reaction from French President Macron.
Even so, Moon continues to immerse himself in North Korea at an extraordinary pace.
On November 1, military aircraft were prohibited from flying within an airspace extending as far as 80 kilometers on either side of the 38th parallel, effectively beginning the disarmament of South Korea’s skies.
Numerous North Korean missiles are deployed along the 38th parallel, and the defense of Seoul becomes possible only when South Korean Air Force patrol aircraft detect signs of missile launches or military action.
Yet all of the patrol flights necessary for that purpose were stopped.
Because North Korea has no air-defense capability, the measure benefits North Korea alone.
The Moon administration is pushing forward a revolution that betrays the South Korean people, almost as though it were handing the Republic of Korea over to North Korea.
The Supreme Court’s latest ruling is also the result of a judicial revolution that the Moon administration plotted and successfully carried out.
The fact that the four plaintiffs were not conscripted workers was established from the South Korean Supreme Court’s own judgment by Tsutomu Nishioka, a researcher at the Japan Institute for National Fundamentals and an expert on Korean affairs.
But the South Korean Supreme Court pays no attention whatsoever to such a fact.
The current Chief Justice of the Supreme Court is Kim Myeong-su, a left-wing jurist who was dramatically promoted by Moon in September of last year.
Kim had served merely as chief judge of the Chuncheon District Court, one of South Korea’s smallest district courts.
Over the past year, as the six-year terms of Supreme Court justices expired, he successively replaced them with left-wing figures like himself, according to Mr. Nishioka.
South Korea’s highest judicial institution has been taken over by revolutionary forces, and the Moon administration has become, like the Chinese Communist Party regime, a government whose values are entirely different from ours.
That is precisely why, as Prime Minister Abe and Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga emphasized, the first priority is to stand firm and make no concessions.
The Japanese government should fully support every Japanese company concerned, ensure that not a single company pays even one cent, and permit no company to break ranks.
At a time when strict policies toward the Moon administration are necessary, what I would also like to point out is the existence of Japanese people who support such South Korean moves.
In 2010, the 100th anniversary of Japan’s annexation of Korea, Japanese and South Korean intellectuals issued the “Japan-Korea Intellectuals’ Joint Statement on the 100th Anniversary of the ‘Annexation of Korea’” in Tokyo and Seoul, with more than 1,000 people on both sides signing it.
In addition to Haruki Wada, professor emeritus at the University of Tokyo, many others signed it, including a person who had served as deputy editorial-page editor of the Asahi Shimbun.
They were also people who had studied the theory that Japan’s annexation of Korea was invalid.
In May 2012, the South Korean Supreme Court ruled that “individual claims have not been extinguished,” and the logical framework constructed by the aforementioned Japanese intellectuals supports the South Korean Supreme Court’s argument.
Japanese people encourage the South Korean side to initiate lawsuits and, in some cases, even provide documents and funds to support anti-Japanese campaigns.
The same structure seen in the comfort women issue can also be discerned in the present case.
There are also cases in which large amounts of support have been provided to them by Japan’s Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology and Ministry of Foreign Affairs under the name of research funding.
A fair examination of these facts is also necessary.
On that basis, regarding such issues as the comfort women and wartime laborers, we must communicate the correct historical facts both within Japan and abroad.
The bolded ending alone has been reconstructed from the context because the original text is missing at that point.