The following is a continuation of the dialogue presented in the preceding chapter.
The discussion concerns the online opinion operatives commonly referred to as the “Fifty Cent Party,” who are said to operate throughout China, alleged rehabilitation programs conducted inside prisons, coordinated likes and reposts, Confucius Institutes, political hashtag campaigns in Japan, and Japan’s defenses against foreign disinformation operations.
The dialogue also contains statements questioning whether particular political campaigns or individuals may have had connections with Chinese information operations.
These statements should be understood as the speakers’ analyses, suspicions and questions, rather than as conclusive proof of any individual’s involvement.
The fundamental issue is whether the enormous numbers displayed on social media can automatically be accepted as the spontaneous expression of public opinion.

July 7, 2020
【Opinion Manipulation in a New Era】
Takayama:
Where are they carrying this out?
Bando:
They exist in cities throughout China.
Fifty Cent Party programs are even being offered inside prisons.
You have to admit, they are quite resourceful.
In every country, former prisoners have difficulty reintegrating into society after their release.
However, when they perform work for the Fifty Cent Party, money is regularly deposited into their accounts.
It is a Chinese-style social rehabilitation and reintegration program.
In some districts, people who post frequently are commended.
Those who attend training courses to advance in rank may also receive certificates of completion.
Instructions are communicated thoroughly.
One online post stated: “A notice from the higher authorities requires every person in every unit to like and comment on Weibo posts and to push them onto the list of trending searches!”
The exact date of the post is unclear.
Clicking the Chinese-language hashtag takes the reader to a CCTV report dated March 28 concerning the infection situation in New York.
The report makes New York appear to be almost completely lawless.
After the report was circulated, it received 6,336 reposts, 7,921 comments and 156,000 likes in only one day.
Takayama:
How many operatives are there in reality?
Bando:
According to one set of figures, the existing force includes approximately 3,995,000 students at institutions of higher education and approximately 6,503,000 members of the general public, for a total of approximately 10,498,000 people.
The students may regard it as a form of casual part-time work.
Another matter that concerns me is the Confucius Institutes.
We do not know what is actually being taught there.
They have increasingly been closed in the United States, yet in Japan they exist at institutions throughout the country, including Waseda University and Ritsumeikan University.
The students admitted to these institutes are non-Chinese, and Chinese instructors teach them the language.
There have been claims that the teaching materials incorporate messages supporting the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party government.
It is also possible that some students may be expected to perform functions in Japanese similar to those of the Fifty Cent Party.
Takayama:
When a proposal emerged to revise the Public Prosecutors Office Act and extend the retirement age of prosecutors, entertainers and other prominent figures circulated the hashtag “I oppose the proposed revision of the Public Prosecutors Office Act” on social media.
The Asahi Shimbun reported that there had been 6.8 million tweets.
However, entertainers alone could not have produced such a number.
One analysis also stated that approximately 12,000 accounts were responsible for the reposting.
Because the Asahi Shimbun and the Japanese Communist Party are politically close, I initially wondered whether organizations such as the Article 9 Association, whose activities the newspaper regularly publicizes, had been asked to support and spread the campaign.
After hearing what you have said, however, I think it is also necessary to investigate whether some form of instruction came from the Chinese Embassy or whether Fifty Cent Party operatives participated.
Bando:
On May 10, actress Nae Yuki posted the question, “Come to think of it, who created this hashtag?”
The name of lawyer Yuichi Kaido, the husband of Mizuho Fukushima, subsequently emerged.
When I heard his name, I found the development understandable.
Kaido had reportedly been included on a list of 500 lawyers recognized for their contribution to compensation lawsuits brought against Japan by Chinese plaintiffs.
It is possible that the campaign was spread at the request of a lawyer regarded as sympathetic to China.
What is frightening is that entertainers may join such a campaign without understanding its background.
Takayama:
At present, is Kaido the only name that has emerged?
Bando:
The matter should continue to be investigated to determine whether Fifty Cent Party operatives were present in the background.
Takayama:
The Asahi Shimbun had previously treated the internet as an enemy.
That is understandable, because the internet is filled with criticism of the newspaper.
Yet on this occasion, it boasted about the number of reposts and began claiming that the figure represented public opinion.
It appeared eager to use the campaign as another instrument against the Abe administration.
Bando:
I question the assertion that such numbers necessarily represent public opinion.
There are companies specializing in internet research and paid online posting.
When a client wants a particular hashtag to become popular, the client can pay a company to generate reposts mechanically.
Takayama:
If the Asahi Shimbun itself had hired such a company, money would have changed hands, and an investigation might reveal the connection.
Perhaps another group, sharing the newspaper’s objectives but operating without a direct financial relationship, carried out the activity.
A campaign based entirely on paid commercial services would be difficult to sustain.
Bando:
In this case, there also appeared to be many recently created accounts.
When criticized, they were quickly deleted.
New accounts are created for a campaign, and once the campaign has gained momentum, the accounts disappear.
An online video said to show a Fifty Cent Party operative at work depicts dozens of mobile devices arranged across a desk.
When the operator selects the command to like a particular article, the devices are programmed to register their likes at different intervals.
Reposts can be generated in the same way.
Takayama:
That is how an organized influence operation is conducted.
It truly is opinion manipulation for a new era.
Bando:
Approximately 310,000 international students were coming to Japan annually, and about 125,000 of them were Chinese students.
These figures were current as of May 1, 2019.
In the smartphone age, it is normal for one person to possess at least one, and often several, social media accounts.
Whether some of these students are engaged in organized activities inside Japan is a question that should be examined.
Even if the number involved were not all 125,000 but 100,000, the use of multiple accounts by each person could create an enormous total.
Such numbers could exercise considerable influence and might be used to manipulate public opinion.
Takayama:
In 2016, the United States Department of State established the Global Engagement Center, or GEC, a specialized organization for monitoring and analyzing disinformation from hostile actors and publicly correcting false claims.
At the time of this discussion, it was headed by Special Envoy and Coordinator Lea Gabrielle.
Japan must establish an organization with comparable capabilities.
It must monitor not only domestic political organizations but also information operations conducted by the Chinese Communist Party government.
To be continued.