This article examines the Moritomo Gakuen land controversy through the historical background of Itami Airport, the Nakamura district, special airport accounts, Toyonaka City land deals, and the political roles of Kiyomi Tsujimoto, the Social Democratic Party, the Communist Party, the Asahi Shimbun, and NHK. Drawing on Masayuki Takayama’s analysis, it argues that the true structure behind the Moritomo issue was concealed by major Japanese media, and that postwar Japan has repeatedly suffered from distorted reporting, left-wing political manipulation, and the influence of the Korean Peninsula and China.

April 22, 2020
The most natural thing for NHK to do would be to change its name to the state broadcaster of the Korean Peninsula, or to the state broadcaster of China.
If the Japanese people understood that this is where NHK truly stands, then the weakening of Japan by those information-poor people brainwashed by this television station — the elderly and women who habitually watch television — would immediately vanish like mist.
This chapter perfectly describes who Kiyomi Tsujimoto is, the person who helped create the Moritomo issue, and what the true nature of the Asahi Shimbun is.
I am republishing the chapter that I first sent out on February 17, 2019.
I am also republishing the chapter I sent out on December 17, 2018, titled:
They have elected such a person as a member of the Diet, and are giving her more than 45 million yen a year from national tax money.
The reason is that this chapter, too, contains facts and modern history that every Japanese citizen must engrave in their heart.
In any case, everyone must feel nauseated by the maliciousness of the Asahi Shimbun and Kiyomi Tsujimoto and her kind.
This is, so to speak, a historic chapter that makes clear how Japan has suffered disasters from the Korean Peninsula in every possible respect.
The chapter I sent out on March 28 is now in the top three of goo’s search rankings.
This is the kind of chapter whose every single sentence every Japanese citizen must engrave in their heart, never to forget again.
Above all, we must thank God that we have the finest, unparalleled, genuine journalist in the postwar world.
Readers will surely think, just as my friend once said, that Masayuki Takayama and I are almost identical.
This chapter perfectly describes who Kiyomi Tsujimoto is, the person who helped create the Moritomo issue, and what the true nature of the Asahi Shimbun is.
The false moralists — needless to say, their representatives are Kenzaburo Oe and Haruki Murakami — and the many false moralists who have revered them,
must realize to the very marrow of their bones just how sinful they have been toward Japan and the Japanese people.
Readers will all understand that this was also a grave crime against the world.
As for what kind of land Moritomo Gakuen and the adjacent site were,
Masayuki Takayama, the one and only journalist in the postwar world, once again told the facts that the Asahi Shimbun, NHK, and others strangely never report,
in a special dialogue with Makiko Takita in the monthly magazine WiLL, released on the 26th.
These are facts that all Japanese citizens and people throughout the world must know.
The preceding section is omitted.
A land with a troubled history.
To begin with, the land that Moritomo bought had a troubled history.
It lay under the approach path of aircraft landing at Itami Airport.
In other words, it was in a restricted area known as the approach surface.
This is an important underlying factor.
From the 1970s, residents around that area had been making a tremendous uproar over the noise from jet aircraft.
In particular, residents of the Nakamura district, which cut into the grounds of Itami Airport, pushed their way into the airport and made a commotion in front of the Japan Airlines and All Nippon Airways counters.
They would say, “Because of the noise, we get nosebleeds that will not stop,” and scatter bloodstained tissues packed in cardboard boxes all around the place.
They would demand, “What are you going to do about this responsibility?”
Such noise issues fell under the jurisdiction of the Civil Aviation Bureau of the Ministry of Transport at the time, but if they went there, they would not even be served a cup of tea.
The claim itself was never something that should have been accepted in the first place.
But private airlines are in the service business.
If people made a fuss in the lobby, they would say, “Well, well, please come this way,” invite them into an office, and serve tea and sweets.
If things went well, they might even receive travel expenses, and if they demanded airline tickets, tickets would also be produced.
This kind of thing went on for a long time.
In the first place, everyone wonders why people were living in a place where a runway virtually ran through their front garden.
Yet the residents’ claims were accepted, and it was decided to close Itami Airport and build the new Kansai Airport.
The mystery of how such an absurdity could have been allowed finally became clear in a 2010 Asahi Shimbun article in its “People” column.
According to that article, the residents of the Nakamura district were “people gathered from the Korean Peninsula before the war for the expansion of the airport,” and “after the war, they were suddenly turned into illegal occupiers.”
The reporter who wrote that article, Taichiro Yoshino, wrote as if they were Koreans who had been forcibly taken or conscripted.
But that is a lie.
The Asahi Shimbun itself has written that almost all conscripted Koreans returned to the Korean Peninsula.
It is an article that deceives readers.
However, that article made one thing clear.
The residents who caused the uproar were Koreans who had “illegally occupied” the airport grounds.
That is why common sense did not work on them, and why once they began to make a commotion, they could not be controlled.
Takita:
So that was the background.
Takayama:
But if the airport disappeared, the residents of the Nakamura district would no longer gain anything, and the Ministry of Transport would lose its vested interests in the airport building.
So the local cities, including Itami and Toyonaka, formed an association of eleven municipalities.
They said they would persuade the residents, and Itami Airport was left in place.
For that purpose, a special airport account was created to fund the development of the surrounding airport area,
in other words, as compensation for the entire “noise zone.”
From the Ministry of Transport’s point of view, this was a great joy.
It gained two more retirement posts for bureaucrats: the presidency of the airport-surrounding development organization and the presidency of Kansai Airport.
The reason they built an airport in Narita instead of expanding Haneda was exactly the same.
The eleven surrounding municipalities fed on the special airport account for everything, from parks to roads.
All of this was thanks to the residents of the Nakamura district having made so much noise.
As a reward, those resident Koreans were given new relocation sites and newly built houses.
As I have already written, I once brokered the sale of one of those detached houses through an acquaintance.
However, the special airport account is funded by landing fees and fuel taxes collected from people who use airplanes.
To cover such reckless expenditures, Japan became the country with the highest landing fees in the world.
Once the Nakamura district issue had been settled, areas along the aircraft approach route were then forced to be bought by the state at low prices on the grounds that they too were severely affected by noise.
Those vacant lots were what were put up for sale this time.
Aircraft noise levels had also fallen.
Toyonaka City then said, “Sell us the land under the approach route to the runway for 1.4 billion yen so that we can turn it into a park.”
Moritomo said, “We will use this as school land.”
A local school said, “We will build a school lunch center here.”
Following the precedent of the Nakamura district, they all began to feed on money from the special airport account, and specific interest groups attached themselves to it.
The people who supported the Nakamura district politically were the Japanese Communist Party and the then Socialist Party.
The first person to make a fuss over the Moritomo land sale was Makoto Kimura, a Toyonaka city councilor who had once been secretary to Mizuho Fukushima of the Social Democratic Party.
Everything is connected.
Takita:
I see.
Takayama:
In this structure, Toyonaka City, which built the park next to Moritomo’s site,
was a major member of the eleven-municipality association that benefited from the special airport account by keeping Itami Airport alive.
And all the mediation for that had been done by the Socialist Party and the Communist Party.
When you see it that way, everything connects.
If you look at the case along the runway of Itami, everything becomes completely clear.
But if people looked at it in that way, Tsujimoto, who at that time was Senior Vice Minister in charge of land, infrastructure, transport and tourism, would be in trouble.
The Kansai Ready-Mixed Concrete Union, which stood behind Moritomo, was also deeply involved.
In fact, one concrete worker spy believed to have been planted by Tsujimoto died.
The Japanese people — or more precisely, the citizens of Takatsuki — have elected such a person as a member of the Diet,
and are giving her more than 45 million yen a year from national tax money,
a salary higher than that received by the true elites of Japan who work in the great corporations of which Japan is proud before the world.
What the Kansai Ready-Mixed Concrete Union, closely connected to Tsujimoto and Makoto Kimura, actually is can be found on Wikipedia.
It is something that the citizens of Takatsuki, the employees of the Asahi Shimbun, and the employees of NHK must read.
For us Japanese citizens, however, it is a story more repulsive and foolish than anything imaginable.
Next to that park was Moritomo’s land.
Originally, there was a pond called the “washing place,” and it was also an area of severe aircraft noise.
The residents around there had all received compensation and moved away.
It would not be surprising if people like them had dumped industrial waste there.
Toyonaka City bought the park land for over 1.4 billion yen.
Asahi wrote that Kagoike obtained land in the same area at an unfairly low price of a little over 100 million yen.
In fact, the park was discounted by 1.4 billion yen and sold for 20 million yen.
They made a fuss that Kagoike’s land was discounted from over 900 million yen to a little over 100 million yen,
but the Toyonaka park was discounted even more.
The school lunch center received a 900-million-yen discount as waste disposal costs.
If you line up these figures, there is nothing particularly exceptional about Moritomo.
The Asahi Shimbun knew this, yet concealed the discount figures and joined forces with the Social Democratic Party.
More important is why there was garbage in such a place.
Why was the land vacant?
If one begins with Itami Airport, everything can be explained.
Yet the Diet members of the Communist Party and the Democratic Party, who were almost parties to the matter themselves,
knew the history and yet pretended all along not to know it.
In the first place, when Japan’s surroundings are in such a grave state,
should the Diet really have spent so much time forever obsessing over the Moritomo issue?
At a time when China was strengthening its dictatorship, and South Korea was about to be swallowed by North Korea.
The rest is omitted.
Now again, in exactly the same structure, as if to prove that they are agents of China and the Korean Peninsula,
the opposition parties and media such as Asahi give only the most minimal treatment to Prime Minister Abe’s work praised at Davos,
or to the fact that Angela Merkel of Germany — whom they had invoked at every opportunity because of their anti-Japanese ideology —
finally came to understand the correctness of Prime Minister Abe,
perhaps also because she had realized that China is, after all, a nation of bottomless evil and plausible lies,
and came to Japan to hold a summit meeting in order to build strong diplomatic and economic relations with Japan.
Instead, they devote their pages and news time to an issue such as the Health, Labour and Welfare Ministry’s statistics scandal.
NHK, for its part, instead of criticizing Kiyomi Tsujimoto, who committed the serious illegal act of receiving political donations from a foreign national,
puts her face on the screen in close-up and repeatedly broadcasts anti-government reporting.
The most natural thing for NHK to do would be to change its name to the state broadcaster of the Korean Peninsula, or to the state broadcaster of China.
If the Japanese people understood that this is where NHK truly stands,
then the weakening of Japan by those information-poor people brainwashed by this television station — the elderly and women who habitually watch television — would immediately vanish like mist.