Based on an essay by Yasunori Kagoike published in the monthly magazine WiLL, this article examines the structure behind the Moritomo affair, in which opposition parties, media figures, and activists worked together. It focuses on Tamotsu Sugano’s “under-control” management of the Kagoike family, the blocking of contact with conservative media and government or LDP figures, and the apparent shift of the pursuit theme from the Moritomo issue to the “Cherry Blossom Viewing Party” issue.

May 26, 2020
When I last met him, he said that he had been frequently visiting the office of Noriko Ishigaki, a House of Councillors member of the Constitutional Democratic Party, who was pursuing the “Cherry Blossom Viewing Party” issue.
I think he had switched the theme of pursuit from the Moritomo issue to the “Cherry Blossom Viewing Party” issue.
The monthly magazines WiLL and Hanada, released today, are required reading for every Japanese citizen.
The essay by the Kagoike father and son that opens WiLL may be called, in the true sense, a major scoop.
That is because the truth of the Moritomo affair is completely revealed.
All the political operators and all the people who make their living in the media who joined together in the movement to bring down the Abe administration, fabricated by Makoto Kimura, a Toyonaka city council member, Kiyomi Tsujimoto of the Constitutional Democratic Party, and the Asahi Shimbun, must immediately resign and take responsibility for acts equivalent to treason against the state, for having caused grave damage to the nation, for the crime of diverting the eyes of the Japanese people from North Korea’s nuclear and missile development, and for the crime of allowing China to repeatedly intrude into the territorial waters around the Senkaku Islands.
None of them must ever appear again on the public stage.
The citizens who voted for the political operators of opposition parties such as the Constitutional Democratic Party must reflect deeply, so that they will never again commit the same mistake and cause enormous damage to the nation.
The people of Miyagi Prefecture who voted for Noriko Ishigaki in last year’s House of Councillors election must reflect deeply, knowing that they not only acted against the nation, but also placed an irreparable stain on the honor and pride of Miyagi Prefecture, which possesses Sendai, the city of learning, Sendai, the city of trees, and Sendai, the capital of Tohoku, a city built by Date Masamune, one of the greatest wise rulers of the Sengoku period.
They must know that people who subscribe to the Kahoku Shimpo and watch only television programs such as NHK can become nothing but traitors to the nation.
All the people of Miyagi Prefecture who voted for her must immediately go to their nearest bookstore and purchase the two monthly magazines mentioned at the beginning.
There is no other path of atonement.
Each costs only 950 yen.
If one can become the world’s foremost intellectual for a total of 1,900 yen, nothing could be cheaper.
With an investment of 1,900 yen, one can move from the state of being a foolish pseudo-moralist to possessing a mind equal to that of the most intelligent person connected with Tohoku University, and become a person useful to the world of the 21st century.
Above all, with an investment of 1,900 yen, one can escape the torments of King Enma in hell.
If you truly love Japan and Miyagi Prefecture, go at once to your nearest bookstore and purchase them.
The following is an exceptionally selected excerpt from an essay published at the beginning of the monthly magazine WiLL, released today, under the title Yasunori Kagoike Speaks on the Moritomo Affair.
“Bringing down the Abe administration” and “crushing Moritomo Gakuen”――opposition parties, media, and activists joined forces and launched a grand two-front operation.
The foreword is omitted.
Under Control
Immediately after we withdrew the application for approval, Yoshishige brought journalist Tamotsu Sugano to us.
From then on, Sugano came to control our dealings with the media.
This became a major turning point for us.
That is because, from that point onward, our family was placed under Sugano’s under-control, or management.
Sugano forbade us from having contact with the outside world and allowed us to meet only the people he introduced to us.
Eventually, media people close to Sugano began staying overnight at my home and writing articles about my words and actions.
At that time, conservative media must also have wanted to interview me, as I was in the midst of the uproar, and people connected with the government and the Liberal Democratic Party must also have wanted to speak with me.
However, because everything was shut out, none of that was possible.
I think Sugano’s purpose may have been to cut off information from people whose ideas differed from his own.
Incidentally, the last time I met Sugano was in mid-December of last year.
Sugano, who had sued Yoshishige for defamation, told me, “I would like to talk about the court case with lawyers present,” and he came to Osaka.
There, he asked me to become a witness on Sugano’s side, and I agreed once.
However, I felt a vague sense of discomfort with Sugano’s attitude and words, and in the end I did not accept.
I think the discomfort I felt at that time was proof that I had already slipped out from under Sugano’s control.
Since then, I have not met Sugano.
He may have noticed that I had seen through his true nature and may be keeping his distance from me.
When I last met him, he said that he had been frequently visiting the office of Noriko Ishigaki, a House of Councillors member of the Constitutional Democratic Party, who was pursuing the “Cherry Blossom Viewing Party” issue.
I think he had switched the theme of pursuit from the Moritomo issue to the “Cherry Blossom Viewing Party” issue.
The rest is omitted.