Protect Your Own Ships Yourself: Yukio Okamoto’s Question to Japan on Security and Escaping from a Nation of Inaction
The Sankei Shimbun republished an essay by foreign affairs commentator Yukio Okamoto calling for the dispatch of Self-Defense Force vessels to the Middle East. Okamoto argued that Japan must protect Japanese-related ships passing through the Strait of Hormuz by itself, rather than shifting the risks onto other countries. Looking back on the Gulf War, Maritime Self-Defense Force refueling operations in the Indian Ocean, and the Democratic Party government’s withdrawal of supply ships, this essay asks whether Japan can move beyond a country that “solves matters with money” and become a nation that protects its own people and ships.
May 9, 2020
This was highly appreciated, but the Democratic Party government overrode the wishes of various countries that the operation continue, withdrew the supply ships in 2010, and instead chose the path of handing over 500 billion yen for such things as the salaries of police officers in Afghanistan.
The Sankei Shimbun is now the most decent newspaper not only in Japan, but in the world.
Those who subscribe to it must have read this morning’s Sankei Shimbun and keenly realized the correctness of my evaluation.
The emphases within the text, apart from the headline, are mine.
Protect Your Own Ships Yourself.
Yukio Okamoto, the foreign affairs commentator who died on April 24, repeatedly wrote sharp essays on what Japan should be, given the severe security environment.
We republish his contribution, carried in the morning edition of the Sankei Shimbun on July 28 last year, calling for the dispatch of Self-Defense Force vessels to the Middle East.
Related article on page 23.
The Persian Gulf is tense.
Originally, the starting point was the tension with Iran that U.S. President Trump politically created.
It is an annoying matter, but in reality six civilian vessels have been attacked by someone.
The attackers remain unknown, but it was probably the work of people who wanted to blow away the atmosphere of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s peace mediation and bring about an armed clash between the United States and Iran.
President Trump tweeted that each country should protect its own ships passing through the Strait of Hormuz, and the United States is proposing a “coalition of willing countries.”
The concrete contents are unclear, and Europe is not united.
However, if such a concept does begin to move, what will Japan do?
At last, this is the critical moment for Abe diplomacy.
The question to be answered is not whether Japan will cooperate with the United States as an ally.
Will Japan protect its own ships by itself?
Or will it push the risks onto other countries and stand outside the circle itself?
That is the choice.
Regarding the securing of maritime safety, Japan has until now avoided bearing risks and settled matters with money.
In 1987, during the Iran-Iraq War, a multinational fleet was organized to escort civilian vessels in the Gulf.
Japan was the largest user of the Persian Gulf, but it rejected the American request to participate and was allowed to get by with the installation of radio beacons.
There was no way that would be enough.
The following year, Japan concluded a special agreement and greatly increased its burden of expenses for U.S. forces stationed in Japan, a situation that continues to this day.
The example from 1990, during the Gulf War, when Japan sent no ships, no aircraft, and no personnel, and paid the United States the enormous sum of 13 billion dollars, or 1.7 trillion yen, is famous.
However, under the Koizumi Cabinet, Japan did not respond with money.
Instead, it supported the containment of the Taliban in Afghanistan, dispatched Maritime Self-Defense Force supply ships to the Indian Ocean, and carried out refueling operations for the navies of various countries.
This was highly appreciated, but the Democratic Party government overrode the wishes of various countries that the operation continue, withdrew the supply ships in 2010, and instead chose the path of handing over 500 billion yen for such things as the salaries of police officers in Afghanistan.
Japan has thus managed to get through matters by spending enormous amounts of tax money, but this time it is not something that can be settled with money.
Even if it is called a coalition of willing countries, the purpose is to protect one’s own vessels.
This is a matter of the right of individual self-defense.
The opposition parties oppose it, saying:
“There is a high possibility that it will develop into an armed clash.”
In other words, they are saying that if Japan protects Japanese ships and is attacked by the other side, it will have to defend itself, so it should not participate.
In short, their argument is that even the right of individual self-defense and legitimate self-defense are evil.
What is fatally lacking in these people is the fact that
“if Japan does not assume the risk of protecting Japanese ships, other countries will be forced to bear that risk.”
Even if many related countries, including South Korea, come to protect their own ships, will Japan alone push the risk onto other countries while saying that it has nothing to do with the matter?
The protection of Japanese ships is already legally envisaged under the Self-Defense Forces Act as “maritime security operations.”
If a foreign vessel sailing together with a Japanese ship is attacked, Japan should be able to rescue it by means that do not amount to the use of force.
On July 10, the British frigate Montrose protected a civilian tanker from attacking boats without firing.
What is needed is clear political will.
An explanation to Iran is necessary.
That country strongly denies involvement in the tanker attacks so far.
Japan need only repeat:
“Protecting the safety of the Persian Gulf from terrorists also serves Iran’s interests.”
In fact, a Japan-related tanker was attacked on the very day of the Abe-Khamenei meeting, so Iran has no reason to object to the protection of Japanese ships.
The point is whether Japan has the will to make the obvious decision to protect its own ships by itself, and to break away from the state of inaction it has maintained since 1987.
This time, Japan should face squarely the task of protecting its own people with its own strength.