At a Time When China Is Seeking to Strengthen Its Dictatorship and South Korea Is on the Verge of Being Swallowed Up by North Korea.
2018-12-17
A chapter I published on March 28 has now entered the top three in goo’s search rankings.
This is a chapter whose every single sentence must be learned and engraved upon the hearts of all Japanese people, so that none of it will ever again be forgotten.
Above all, we must thank God that we possess the greatest and most incomparable genuine journalist in the postwar world.
As my friend once said, readers will probably think that Masayuki Takayama and I are almost identical…
This chapter also explains perfectly who Kiyomi Tsujimoto, who helped manufacture the Moritomo affair, really is, and what the Asahi Shimbun truly represents.
The pseudo-moralists…there can be no question that their foremost representatives are Kenzaburo Oe and Haruki Murakami…and the many other pseudo-moralists who have worshipped them must also learn, to the depths of their being, just how sinful they have been toward Japan and the Japanese people.
Every reader should understand that their conduct also constituted a grave crime against the world.
In a special dialogue with Makiko Takita published in the latest issue of the monthly magazine WiLL, released on the 26th, Masayuki Takayama, the one and only journalist of the postwar world, once again tells us the facts that the Asahi Shimbun, NHK, and the others, for some reason, have never reported at all about what kind of land the Moritomo Gakuen site and the adjacent property really were.
These are facts that every Japanese person and people throughout the world must know.
The introductory passage is omitted.

Land with a Troubled History

To begin with, the land purchased by Moritomo had a troubled history.
It lies beneath the flight path into Itami Airport.
It is within what is known as the restricted approach-surface zone.
This is an important piece of background.
From the 1970s onward, residents of the surrounding area made a tremendous commotion, claiming that the noise from jet aircraft was intolerable.
In particular, residents of the Nakamura district, which protruded into the airport grounds, would descend upon the airport and create disturbances in front of the Japan Airlines and All Nippon Airways counters.
They would claim, “The noise has made our noses bleed uncontrollably,” and scatter bloodstained tissues packed in cardboard boxes all over the place.
They would demand, “What are you going to do about this?”
Noise problems of that kind fell under the jurisdiction of the Civil Aviation Bureau of the Ministry of Transport at the time, but even if they complained there, they would not so much as be offered a cup of tea.
Their demands had no legitimate basis in the first place.
But private airlines were in the customer-service business, so if people created a commotion in the lobby, they would be told, “Now, now, please come this way,” taken into an office, and served tea and refreshments.
With enough pressure, they might even receive travel expenses, and if they demanded airline tickets, they would be given airline tickets as well.
That kind of thing continued for years.
Everyone wondered why people were living in a place where the runway seemed almost to pass through their front gardens.
Nevertheless, the residents’ demands prevailed, and it was decided that Itami Airport would be closed and a new Kansai International Airport would be built.
The mystery of how such an unreasonable demand could have been accepted was finally explained by an article in the Asahi Shimbun’s “Hito” column in 2010.
According to the article, the residents of the Nakamura district were “people brought from the Korean Peninsula before the war for the expansion of the airport” who were “suddenly designated illegal occupiers after the war.”
The reporter who wrote the article, Taichiro Yoshino, presented them as though they were Koreans who had been forcibly taken away and conscripted.
But that was false.
The Asahi Shimbun itself had written that almost all conscripted Koreans returned to the Korean Peninsula.
It was an article intended to deceive its readers.
Nevertheless, the article made one thing clear.
The residents who had caused such an uproar were Koreans who had “illegally occupied” the airport grounds.
That explains why ordinary common sense did not work with them and why, once they began causing a disturbance, they became impossible to control.
Takita:
So that was the background.
Takayama:
However, if the airport disappeared, the residents of the Nakamura district would have nothing further to gain, while the Ministry of Transport would also lose its interests connected with the airport terminal.
So eleven local municipalities, including Itami and Toyonaka, formed an association of eleven cities and agreed to persuade the residents, with the result that Itami Airport was retained.
An airport special account was then created to fund development around the airport—in other words, to provide compensation throughout the surrounding “noise-affected area.”
From the Ministry of Transport’s point of view, this was cause for great celebration, because it created two additional post-retirement positions for bureaucrats: chairman of the airport environment improvement organization and president of the Kansai airport company.
The reason they deliberately built an airport at Narita instead of expanding Haneda was exactly the same.
The eleven surrounding cities demanded that everything—from parks to roads—be paid for from the airport special account.
All of that was made possible because the residents of the Nakamura district had created such a commotion.
As a reward, those Korean residents in Japan were given new places to relocate and newly built houses.
＊As I have already written, I once acted as an intermediary in the sale of one of those detached houses after being introduced by an acquaintance.＊
The airport special account, however, was financed by landing fees and aviation fuel taxes collected from people who used airplanes.
To cover this uncontrolled expenditure, Japan became the country with the highest landing fees in the world.
Once the Nakamura district problem had been dealt with, the government was then forced to purchase land cheaply along the aircraft approach route on the grounds that the noise there was especially severe.
Those vacant sites were subsequently put up for sale.
Aircraft noise levels had also declined by then.
Toyonaka City therefore said, “We will make the land beneath the approach route into a park, so sell it to us for 1.4 billion yen.”
Moritomo said, “We will use the site for a school.”
A local school said, “We will build a school lunch center here.”
Following the precedent established by the Nakamura district, they all began attempting, one after another, to feed on money from the airport special account, and particular interest groups attached themselves to the process.
The Japanese Communist Party and the Socialist Party of the time were the political forces that supported and backed the Nakamura district.
The first person to cause an uproar over the sale of the Moritomo land was Makoto Kimura, a Toyonaka city assemblyman and former secretary to Mizuho Fukushima of the Social Democratic Party.
Everything is connected.
Takita:
I see.
Takayama:
Within that structure, Toyonaka City, which created the park adjacent to the Moritomo site, was a principal member of the eleven-city association that benefited from the airport special account after Itami Airport was retained.
The Socialist Party and the Communist Party handled all the political intercession.
Once that is understood, everything is connected.
Follow the case along the Itami runway, and the entire picture becomes visible.
But Tsujimoto, who was then senior vice-minister responsible for matters under the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism, would be troubled if people looked at the case in that way.
The Kansai Ready-Mixed Concrete Union, which stood behind the Moritomo affair, would also become deeply implicated.
In fact, one ready-mixed-concrete informant, believed to have been planted by Tsujimoto, died.
The Moritomo property stood next to that park.
The land had originally contained a pond known as a “washing place,” and it was also located in a zone of extreme aircraft noise, from which all the surrounding residents had received compensation and relocated.
People of that kind would have been entirely capable of dumping industrial waste there.
Toyonaka City purchased the park site for more than 1.4 billion yen.
The Asahi Shimbun wrote that Yasunori Kagoike had acquired land in the same district for the unfairly low price of a little over 100 million yen.
In fact, the park was discounted by 1.4 billion yen and sold for 20 million yen.
People made an uproar because Kagoike’s land was reduced from more than 900 million yen to a little over 100 million yen, but the discount on Toyonaka’s park was even greater.
The school lunch center received a discount of 900 million yen for waste-removal costs.
When these figures are placed side by side, there is nothing particularly extraordinary about the Moritomo transaction.
The Asahi Shimbun knew this, yet concealed the amount of the discounts and joined forces with the Social Democratic Party.
More importantly, why was there waste in such a place?
Why had the land remained vacant?
If the explanation began with Itami Airport, everything could be understood.
Yet the Diet members of the Communist Party and the Democratic Party, who were virtually parties to the matter themselves, knew the background and continued pretending that they did not.
At a time when conditions surrounding Japan were becoming so serious, should the Diet really have continued endlessly occupying itself with the Moritomo affair?
At a time when China was seeking to strengthen its dictatorship and South Korea was on the verge of being swallowed up by North Korea.
The remainder is omitted.