August 9, 2020. This article introduces excerpts from a THEMIS magazine report and examines criticism directed at Tokyo Governor Yuriko Koike’s COVID-19 response, the “Tokyo Alert,” statements concerning PCR testing, the dispute over the Go To Travel campaign, and political developments following the Tokyo gubernatorial election.

Whenever I saw an advertisement for the monthly magazine THEMIS at the bottom of a newspaper page, I thought that I would like to subscribe.
However, because it was available only by subscription, I had regarded the procedure as troublesome and had never done so.
But when I saw the lineup for this month’s issue, I concluded that it was something I should read, and I went online and signed up initially for a six-month subscription.
The current issue arrived almost immediately.
This magazine, too, is essential reading for Japanese citizens who genuinely wish to know the truth about events.
The moment one begins reading it, one notices something.
Most of Japan’s mass media—and perhaps the same is true throughout the world—are operating at a level that is hardly worthy of serious consideration.
Yet what THEMIS writes is, in fact, nothing extraordinary.
It is simply what should be obvious.
Doing what should obviously be done is the mark of the first-rate.
Being unable to do what should obviously be done is the mark of the second- or third-rate.
The first-rate always pursue perfection.
The imperfections of Japan’s media therefore demonstrate that they are largely made up of second- and third-rate people.
THEMIS perfectly substantiates the argument I was the first in Japan to state explicitly: that the Asahi Shimbun is by no means Japan’s finest player.
The following are excerpts from one of its articles.
【Quotation】
“The lack of excitement surrounding this Tokyo gubernatorial election was largely due to Koike’s confidence in organized votes and her reluctance to appear openly in public while facing questions concerning allegations about her academic background. …”
“Koike, meanwhile, used the novel coronavirus to stage confrontations with the national government and the bureaucracy. Even the ‘Tokyo Alert’ amounted to little more than lighting up buildings, and despite thresholds being exceeded, nothing was actually done. It was performance.”
“She uses fashionable foreign expressions such as a ‘with-corona society,’ but many metropolitan government employees reportedly joke bitterly, ‘When will we get “without Koike”?’”
“Under her banner of ‘Tokyo Great Reform 2.0,’ Koike announced structural reform of the metropolitan government and senior personnel changes. What drew particular attention, however, was what was described as ‘retaliatory personnel action,’ including the removal of Akira Sawa, then head of the Tokyo Environmental Public Service Corporation, who had criticized Koike’s handling of the Toyosu Market relocation in a book.”
“Under these circumstances, what Tokyo residents expect from Koike is an effective response to the novel coronavirus.”
“Yet in mid-July after her reelection, even as close to 300 infections were being confirmed in Tokyo on successive days and public dissatisfaction was increasing, she repeatedly said, ‘We cannot stop the spread of infection without the cooperation of Tokyo residents and businesses,’ as though the matter were someone else’s responsibility.”
A reporter covering the Tokyo Metropolitan Government was quoted as saying:
“Tokyo’s coronavirus measures are, frankly speaking, a performance. At the July 17 press conference, one reporter surprised those present by asking whether the number of confirmed infections was being intentionally increased in order to create public anxiety. Koike replied that ‘18 percent of patients are asymptomatic’ and that ‘people may be shocked when they hear that there are hundreds of positive cases, but that itself can serve as a warning.’ In the first place, PCR testing used to determine positivity has an error rate of 30 percent. I sense an intention behind what she is doing.”
【Pressure on the Abe Administration and the Continuation of Nikai】
“The same can be said of the coronavirus response, but Koike has also repeatedly criticized the national government over the Go To Travel campaign, producing conspicuous scenes of confrontation.”
“A close examination of her words and actions suggests that she has shifted the axis of confrontation from ‘Tokyo versus the bureaucracy’ to ‘Tokyo versus the Prime Minister’s Office.’”
“When Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said on July 11 that ‘the novel coronavirus is a Tokyo problem,’ Koike immediately responded that it was ‘rather a national problem.’ That, too, was characteristic of Koike’s political style.”
A political insider was quoted as explaining:
“Koike’s attempts to heighten anxiety over the coronavirus and shift responsibility to the national government are intended to put pressure on the Abe administration. It is well known that LDP Secretary-General Toshihiro Nikai has served as a political supporter of Koike, but there is speculation that Nikai could be replaced in the autumn Cabinet reshuffle and party leadership appointments. Koike has reportedly been asking political reporters close to her questions such as, ‘What will happen to Mr. Nikai?’ in an effort to determine whether he will remain secretary-general.”
“If the Abe administration’s coronavirus measures succeed, it could dissolve the House of Representatives for a general election in the autumn and still have a strong chance of victory, while the possibility of a fourth term for the prime minister as LDP president could also emerge. Conversely, if the administration continues to struggle with expanding infections, questions of political responsibility could arise. In that event, maintaining the current party leadership and keeping Nikai as secretary-general would become increasingly likely. The sharp increase in Tokyo’s reported infection numbers immediately after the gubernatorial election is unquestionably irritating the Prime Minister’s Office. …”
【Omission】
“…The question is when Koike will abandon the Tokyo governorship.”
“An incident said to have occurred inside the metropolitan government following her reelection became a subject of discussion.”
A Tokyo government source was quoted as saying:
“Immediately after the election, a newspaper reporter close to Koike interviewed her. Everything proceeded smoothly at first, but when the reporter asked, ‘You will fulfill your campaign pledges during these four years, won’t you?’ she suddenly became furious, saying, ‘Why would you ask me such a thing? How rude!’ She stood up, and the interview ended.”
“For Koike, who above all wants to seize the position of prime minister, the Tokyo Olympics—which had been one of the ultimate objectives of her governorship—were increasingly likely to be scaled down or cancelled and therefore no longer offered the same political attraction.”
End of excerpt.
These were excerpts from an article published in THEMIS.
What matters here is that, when confronting an issue as serious as the novel coronavirus, we must examine not only the policies adopted by the Tokyo Metropolitan Government but also whether those policies were connected with political calculation and political performance.
What exactly was the “Tokyo Alert”?
What meaning was attached to the daily announcement of infection numbers?
Was the confrontation with the national government purely a disagreement over policy?
Or were other political calculations operating behind it?
If the mass media exist to scrutinize those in power, these are precisely the questions they should investigate relentlessly.
Reading THEMIS confirmed for me once again that very simple and obvious principle.